Mon séjour en Afrique du Sud (Cape Town)

"Hopefully this [is] the end, and a successful completion of the process," Henri Boshoff, military analyst at the Institute for Security Studies, a South Africa-based think-tank, told IRIN.

SANDF's mandate in Burundi expired on 30 June and its 1,100 soldiers would be withdrawn, except for a small unit that would stay on to help the Burundians establish their own protection unit of some 300 troops, Boshoff said.

South Africa helped end Burundi's 15-year civil war, in which hundreds of thousands lost their lives. In 1999 former President Nelson Mandela was appointed Facilitator of the Arusha Peace Process, an accord was signed in 2000, and Mandela subsequently requested deployment of the SANDF to ensure the safe return of political leaders.

The South African Department of Defence envisioned the first mission taking place in 2007, but the situation in Burundi necessitated deployment as early as 2001. "The SANDF did the almost impossible by deploying a protection element as well as an infantry battalion within two weeks," Boshoff said.

Ethiopia and Mozambique also contributed peacekeepers, while South Africa provided the Force Commander and played a key role in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), and security sector reform (SSR), providing security during the 2004 election and the final demobilization of the last rebel group, Forces Nationales de Liberation. "Lots of effort, finance, logistics and manpower went into the process," Boshoff said.

Overcommitted and underfunded

In line with South Africa's post-apartheid commitment to resolving Africa's conflicts, the Department of Foreign Affairs drafted a White Paper on Peace Missions as a guide in 1998, but the hasty deployment to Burundi led to operational, budgetary and personnel challenges, many of which remain.

According to the paper, deployment at any given time would be limited to one battalion - around 700 troops, depending on the mission requirements - yet the SANDF is "currently deploying three battalions, one in Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC], one in Darfur [Sudan] and one in Burundi," Boshoff said.

Peacekeeping missions require a demanding mix of age, expertise and operational readiness from different units in the defence force, severely overstretching the army's capacity.

Ideally, a mission force would comprise a minimum of three units resting and training at home to each one deployed, but a one-to-one ratio was the best the SANDF could currently muster, "resulting in problems with discipline, welfare and morale," Boshoff commented.

Discipline is one of the biggest problems the army is grappling with ... the external deployments are without a doubt part of the problem

In a recent report, South African Army Priorities and Roles in the Early 21st Century, Brig-Gen George Kruys (Rtd), a research associate at the Institute for Strategic Studies at the University of Pretoria, commented: "Discipline is one of the biggest problems the army is grappling with ... the external deployments are without a doubt part of the disciplinary problem."

The SANDF record in Burundi from 2002 to 2008 included some 400 cases of misdemeanour and nearly 1,000 military trials for offences ranging from murder and rape to absence without leave and "rebelliousness", the report noted.

"Taking into account the major role which the army must play in the government's priority task, namely, to deploy peacekeeping forces in Africa," the South African Army simply "does not have the funds to carry out proper training," and "it would not be able to obtain and maintain the needed equipment to carry out the roles it has been tasked to perform," Kruys pointed out.

Of major concern was a lack of understanding on the part of South African politicians regarding the army's financial and deployment needs. "When making external affairs policy speeches" politicians showed "no knowledge of the real state of the army", Kruys said. "The malfunctioning of army vehicles during peacekeeping deployments in Africa is a common problem."

According to Boshoff, the question is: "What will happen with that Burundi battalion?" Redeployment to DRC is already being considered.

NATJOINTS Chairperson and Deputy National Police Commissioner, Andre Pruis, on Monday briefed reporters about security operations during the FIFA Confederations Cup.

"Since we've been tasked with the responsibility of all security-related operations during the eight nation tournament, we are satisfied that our years of planning and preparations resulted in no major security breach occurring during the tournament," he said.

He said the overall concept of the operations in respect of safety and security, will be implemented during the 2010 FIFA World Cup.

Deputy Commissioner Pruis said FIFA hotels in all four host cities, Tshwane, Johannesburg, Bloemfontein and Rustenburg were monitored on a 24 hour basis.

An analysis was also done on the incidents of serious crime around the stadiums during the two-week period of the Confederations Cup compared to the same period in 2008.

The analysis revealed that there was a dramatic decrease in serious crimes such as murder, attempted murder, robbery aggravated, theft of motor vehicles and sexual assaults during the Confederations Cup.

According to Deputy Commissioner Pruis, approximately 600 000 people attended the sixteen matches.

"During this period, only 39 cases of criminal conduct were reported, which could be directly linked to a stadium or the immediate vicinity of a stadium while people were entering or exiting or going back to their hotel rooms," he said.

He said the majority of cases recorded during the Confederations Cup were theft, especially of cell phones, with five robberies, mugging of wallets, one case of reckless driving, two more of corruption, one incident of using counterfeit money and one case of assault.

A special detective team acted swiftly to respond to the burglary case at the Pretoria Hotel, where two suspects entered the hotel rooms of Brazilian nationals.

The detectives managed to nab the burglars who were convicted and sentenced to ten years imprisonment each.

"This incident indicated the effectiveness of a dedicated court system for the Confederations Cup which will be duplicated for the 2010 FIFA World Cup."

He said all participating teams were protected and escorted at all times by dedicated security forces en route to and from training sessions, matches and travelling between the host cities.

Their movements were also monitored by the National Joint Operational Centre by means of a tracking system.

"This protection will continue until the last team has left the country," he said.

Force levels deployed for city security varied between 6 000 and 8 000 employees. This included all government departments participating in security-related operations.

Specialised high-risk forces, comprising members of the South African Police Service (SAPS) and South African National Defence Force (SANDF) were also on standby to deal with any emergency situation.

Various special trains were utilised between cities and more than 550 Railway Police members performed security functions on special trains as well as Metro trains.

On the final day of the tournament, Deputy Commissioner Pruis said a total of 12 trains were policed to and from Ellis Park stadium, in Johannesburg.

Although, event safety is not the responsibility of the police, additional law enforcement members were deployed at all the stadiums for security duties in the inner-perimeter of the stadiums.

This was also appreciated by both FIFA and the Local Organising Committee (LOC).

"The NATJOINTS would like to congratulate all members of the security services who sacrificed a great deal of their time to ensure that the beautiful game could be enjoyed by all South Africans and the visitors," he said.

One of the major successes was the way in which sixteen government departments and other role players cooperated to implement the operation in a coordinated and united manner.

"We will build on the lessons learnt and expand on best practices to assist FIFA and the LOC in presenting the best World Cup ever next year," he said.

Making the case for a UN mandate for peacekeeping operations to allow force commanders to use necessary force to uphold the UN Security Council decisions, Lieutenant Colonel Johann Heyns of 43 South African Brigade said that the difficulties being experienced by peacekeeping forces in Darfur, Sudan for example showed that there was a need for the deployment of armoured fighting vehicles to support threatened forces.

Although the Sudanese government had consented to the presence of UN peacekeeping forces in Darfur to defend unarmed civilians that were consistently under attack from the Janjaweed militia, Khartoum was believed to be supporting the militia group and also behind some of the attacks on the bases of the peacekeeping forces.

"The strength of a UN force is normally very limited, however there is a definite need for reserves at all levels," he said.

Heyns said there were those arguing that the introduction of infantry combat vehicles in an area might be seen as an escalation. He said he believed that it could equally assist the South African forces and their counterparts deployed in Darfur to calm down the situation. "It shows the resolve of the Force Commander to protect his force, protect the UN mandate and also protect the population under imminent threat," he said.

He said properly armed peacekeepers would be able to do a better job including being able to monitor fearlessly the vast areas that the operation is expected to patrol and protect such as refugee camps.

Also advocating for the deployment of comprehensive infantry combat system, Major Pierre Olivier of the South African Army Amour Formation said this would not just be the show of force but an attempt to ensure that rebel groups and militia were thwarted from ambushing UN observation posts, convoys bringing food aide to camps, demining teams as well as protect humanitarian workers who have been kidnapped and murdered in some instances.

He said Darfur would have been more peaceful had the SANDF supplied with the necessary equipment such as the Rooikat with a few charges and improved wheels. They would need to be supported by unmanned aerial vehicles, attack helicopters. "The flexibility that an armour system provides the commander due to its protection, mobility, firepower and psychological impact must be exploited," Olivier said.

After near eight years on peacekeeping duty in Burundi, the South African army is set to withdraw as the security situation continues to improve (see Burundi: 30 January 2008: ). According to the chief of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) Joint Operations Division, Lt-Gen Themba Matanzima, whose unit is responsible for planning military operations, the army's mandate in Burundi is due to end tomorrow (30 June), reports the local Business Day.Significance: South Africa has been closely involved in the Burundian peace process ever since Burundi’s long-running civil war first broke out in 1993.

Mandated by the regional African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), SANDF deployed some 1,100 troops in the landlocked country back in 2001, tasked with peacekeeping in post-war Burundi, but the recent implementation of a peace deal between the Burundian government and the National Liberation Forces (FNL) rebel group effectively ended the civil war, leading to an upturn in the security situation.

The chief of the SANDF's Joint Operations Division, Lt-Gen Themba Matanzima, whose unit is responsible for planning military operations, said the mandate in Burundi was due to end tomorrow.

The South African government may still decide to extend the mission, but plans were on course for the withdrawal of most of the 1100 soldiers.

"As far as we are concerned, we have done a great job and the people of Burundi have elected their own government and we think that peace will last for some time," Matanzima said.

The SANDF has been in Burundi since 2001. The mission subsequently changed to an African Union (AU) operation before falling under the responsibility of the United Nations . Along with the deployment of troops, SA had also been involved in facilitating the peace process. Former president Nelson Mandela, then vice- president Jacob Zuma and former defence minister Charles Nqakula all worked as mediators.

The return of the troops from Burundi would be welcome because the military felt overstretched, Matanzima said. Almost 3000 soldiers and officers were on external missions. Despite the seemingly small number, three or four times that figure was required in order to rotate the troops.

"We feel that we are over- stretched, especially in the army," he said. Soldiers needed enough time to spend with their families, but also to retrain. To address this, the military was urging a review of the deployment structure with the possibility of increasing the permanent force, along with the utilisation of the reserve force. Although members of the reserve force were also deployed on external missions, increased utilisation of the force would require an upgrading of skills.

Acting defence secretary Tsepe Motumi had said earlier that the briefing would have to be conducted in a closed session.

"The constitution requires that Parliament conduct its business in an open and transparent manner, and the public has a right to know how and to what effect billions of rands are being spent on the SANDF," the DA said.

LIKE a true soldier, Lt-Gen Themba Matanzima declares that he will have to keep his cellphone on while being interviewed, in case his superior calls.

His office, complete with a big-screen television, is as large as that of an influential CEO.

A huge difference, however, is that to get to the general, one has to pass through a small nature reserve within the perimeter of the Joint Operations’ Divisional headquarters at Thaba Tshwane, near Centurion.

J-Ops, as the division is commonly known, is responsible for planning the South African National Defence Force’s (SANDF’s) missions, both internal and external. Equipment and personnel are supplied to the army, air force, navy and the South African Military Health Services for operations.

Matanzima speaks with pride about the mission in Burundi. The bulk of SA's 1100 troops are due to return this month, unless the government decides otherwise. Burundi has an inclusive government now and will be less reliant on SA’s peacekeeping force.

Since 2001, when SA first deployed to Burundi, the mission fell under the aegis of the African Union and later the United Nations (UN). With the guns now almost completely silent, only a small contingent will remain, mainly for VIP protection.

“As far as we are concerned, we have done a great job. The people of Burundi have elected their own government and we think that peace will last for some time,” Matanzima says.

He says the South African military feels overstretched.

Almost 3000 soldiers and officers are presently on external missions — and they are required at home to ensure the troops rotate and get further training.

To address this, the military is urging a rethink of its structure with the possibility of increasing the permanent force and using the reserve force. However, although members of the reserve force are also deployed on external missions, using them more often will require an upgrading of skills.

Matanzima speaks with deliberate slowness. Despite an acknowledgment by his aide that he is slightly edgy, there is no sign of discomfort. He is self-assured and forthright. Only later is his initial foreboding revealed.

Journalists, he says, hardly make for comfortable company, as some will even quote an inappropriate aside.

Former president Nelson Mandela is his uncle. Former Transkei bantustan strongman Kaiser Matanzima was also a relation. He now prefers to leave Mandela alone.

“Because he's old I don’t ask for time to see him. If I phone Mandla Mandela it’s enough to ask, ‘Is the old man OK?’”

Described by his staff as a Christian and a gentleman, Matanzima has been in his current position since 2007. He joined the Transkei Defence Force after matriculating in 1977 and was chief of the force with the rank of major-general when it was integrated after 1994.

He heads joint operations at what may be the military's busiest time. Last year it deployed in response to the xenophobic violence and assisted the police bring down the number of cash-in-transit heists.

The SANDF is also deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo as part of a UN mission. In addition, it is training a battalion and assisting the Congolese military with management issues.

In the Central African Republic, the SANDF is upgrading soldiering skills.

The SANDF has been unable to contribute more troops to the UN’s commission in Darfur, Sudan, due to problems with sleeping quarters. But there are ongoing negotiations with the UN for such facilities. “As soon as we do that we will increase our personnel there from 635 to 805 and then we will see if they still want more,” says Matanzima.

He says the South African Navy has not taken part in any operations off the pirate-hit Somali coast. “As of now the navy has not been asked to prepare for that mission. Maybe later, but as of now we are not involved.”

The 2010 Soccer World Cup will also require the SANDF’s expertise. But Matanzima refuses to confirm that unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, will be used to monitor the crowds.

In September the SANDF is hosting a brigade from each of 11 southern African countries in an exercise meant to prepare for a regional contribution to the African Standby Force due to be operationalised next year.

This is the biggest such exercise and the other armies will bring their own weapons and equipment to SA.

Although the military stood down from border duties in March, it has not left the Zimbabwean border. “We have had requests from some ministers that soldiers should go back to the border so that they can release police to reduce the level of crime, especially going towards 2010,” Matanzima says.

Screening for HIV ahead of external deployments has brought the military on a collision course with its unions and activists. Last year the Pretoria High Court declared the policy unlawful and instructed the military to come up with new guidelines.

Matanzima says the new regulations will soon be released. But until then, the old policy applies in order to protect soldiers from the harsh conditions in operational areas. “What we see, even after an internal deployment, is that when they come back, their health status deteriorates. So how much more if you take the person outside the country?”

Under former defence minister Mosiuoa Lekota, morale among soldiers plummeted, particularly over the failure to address salary issues. But Matanzima says enthusiasm is high among soldiers he sees who are due for deployment. “They are eager to go and work, outside and internally.”

Soldiers' remuneration is under review. “Broadly, I know also that the defence staff council and the minister are trying to address the question of low salaries,” he says.

African National Congress secretary-general Gwede Mantashe has hinted at a looming shakeup in the defence force, to get rid of old-order officers, including those from the former bantustans.

Matanzima says all soldiers should have an equal chance at deployment, regardless of previous affiliations.

“We have seen a great improvement, especially with the army, where you find the bulk of the forces. But there are a lot of youngsters coming through.”

The military skills development system, introduced in 2003, was aimed at rejuvenating the military by increasing its intake of matriculants.

A works regiment being established will utilise some soldiers no longer eligible for external deployment.

As his phone rings, Lt-Gen Matanzima turns his back, saying “That’s my chief.”

Matanzima is married, with five children, whom he admits to not seeing often as he is constantly travelling to visit troops.

“He heads joint operations at what may be the military’s busiest time. Last year it deployed in response to the xenophobic violence and assisted the police on cash-in-transit heists. It is also deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo as part of a UN mission and is assisting the Congolese military”

Defence and security company Saab had been awarded a contract to develop and supply fire control computers for the SANDF’s “new-generation” infantry combat vehicles, Saab South Africa president Riaz Saloojee said yesterday.

“This is a long-term strategic contract, which enables Saab to expand support business in South Africa, as well as in co-operation with Denel Land Systems in additional markets worldwide,” Saloojee said.

“This contract is an excellent example of the synergies that are resulting from bilateral co-operation and bringing direct benefits to South Africa. It is a breakthrough on the local market, which further strengthens our position in the land domain.”

The initial phase of the contract covers development and production of a batch of engineering development units for evaluation and testing in the new-generation combat vehicles. A number of production units are expected to be produced in a second phase.

Saab is responsible for overall design and integration of the components in the fire control computers, and for integrating the unit in the combat vehicles. Initial development work has already begun, with final deliveries of production units expected to occur in late 2015.

PARLIAMENT has taken the unusual step of postponing the budget vote of the minister of defence and military veterans to allow for her to brief MPs first.

The National Assembly’s defence oversight committee had complained that it was expected to approve the budget without first being able to question the minister or defence force chiefs.

In a preliminary report, the defence committee said this week it would find it difficult to rubber-stamp the budget, as Minister Lindiwe Sisulu and the army, navy and air force top brass had not appeared before it.

Committee chair Nyami Booi did not want to comment yesterday, but the National Assembly’s chairman of committee chairs, Obed Bapela, confirmed that Sisulu would not be delivering her budget vote today.

It has been postponed by a week “to give the minister and chiefs of the forces time to brief the committee”, he said.

Bapela said the minister would now brief the committee next week.

Questions that MPs want answered include details on the new Directorate for Military Veterans and information on the proposed deployment of SA National Defence Force troops in crime-fighting. A recent briefing by acting Defence Secretary Ntsiki Motumi had not provided sufficient answers.

“Details of the most appropriate institutional design and associated costs relating to military veterans are not yet known,” the committee’s report states.

“This is a key shortcoming and the committee intends to hold regular briefings with the department to review the progress made on the design and implementation of the new structure, as well as the budget for its administration.”

The committee also seeks answers to questions on who will qualify as a military veteran, although it was agreed that former liberation fighters, in general, had been neglected.

Another issue is Police minister Nathi Mthethwa’s statement that the SANDF should be used to provide cash-in-transit security – something on which Sisulu has yet to comment. While committee members believe the SANDF could help to fight crime, it believed “an appropriate role for the defence force has yet to be developed”.

the strike by KwaZulu-Natal doctors – now in its third day – is severely affecting the province’s health service, forcing it to bring in defence force medical personnel.

Most state hospitals, left with skeleton staffs, have cancelled operations and turned away patients.

Toyi-toying doctors outside Durban’s King Edward VIII hospital said they were still waiting for “feedback” from their unions about a possible settlement to their salary demands.

A meeting was scheduled for last night on whether to accept the government’s new offer.

At the King Edward VIII, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial and Osindisweni hospitals only critical patients – such as those who have been involved in accidents” – were being attended to.

Trying to deal with the strike the provincial health department brought in 18 doctors from the SANDF. The department’s chief operations officer, Nhlanhla Nkosi, said some emergency patients had been taken to private hospitals.

Nkosi said “nonessential” surgical operations had been cancelled. The doctors embarked on an illegal strike on Monday – protesting against delays in implementing the occupation-specific dispensation.

“We managed to get 18 doctors from the defence force to help at critical departments. Between Monday and Tuesday we had eight doctors from the military and others were promised by today (yesterday). We will station them in affected institutions.”

At Mahatma Gandhi most wards were still able to function.

Hospital spokesperson Mpume Mokoena said heads of departments were helping out.

Patients Sowetan spoke to said while they knew about the strike m and had come to hospital “just in case we were lucky”.

“As much as doctors are not supposed to go on strike, theirs are genuine concerns,” said one patient who asked to remain anonymous.

“We know how hard they work and it never realised they were paid so little. If striking is the only language our government understands, so be it.”

MPs have questioned the wisdom of Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa’s plans to deploy members of the army to help fight crime.

Members of the portfolio committee on defence and military veterans said yesterday they were in the dark about what Mthethwa intended. They were not convinced that “crime prevention” was an appropriate role for the Defence Force.

They also expressed concern about having to adopt the defence budget this week without being briefed by Defence Minister Lindiwe Sisulu or the SANDF, despite their having made repeated requests.

MPs have questioned the wisdom of Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa’s plans to deploy the army to help fight crime.

Members of the National Assembly’s committee on defence and military veterans said they were not convinced that “crime prevention” was an appropriate role for the defence force. MPs also expressed concern about having to adopt the defence budget this week without a briefing by either new Defence Minister Lindiwe Sisulu or the SADF, despite repeated requests.

In a “provisional” report on the defence budget’s priorities, the committee states that it “is of the opinion that the SANDF could greatly contribute to ensuring the safety and security of South Africans, rather than merely focusing on crime prevention”. Committee members told Independent Newspapers they were taken aback by Mthethwa’s recent announcement that the army could be used to help cash-in-transit security, as it was the president’s job to deploy the defence force. Sisulu has yet to respond to Mthethwa’s proposal.

The SANDF already supports the police with border control and some internal operations.

IF PEACEKEEPING in Africa is to succeed, there must be more involvement and a “robust” commitment from both the continent and the multitude of international role-players involved in ending wars.

This was the message from the DefenceWeb Peacekeeping in Africa conference in Midrand yesterday.

The conference is aimed at bringing those responsible for peacekeeping together to discuss matters crucial to bringing stability to Africa.

Conflict resolution and analysis experts, peacekeepers, private security experts and representatives of non-governmental organisations said it was vital for those who wanted to bring peace to the world to work together.

Highlighting the crisis in Darfur as an example of where more needed to be done, South African police assistant commissioner Mike Fryer said that to improve the situation in Africa, the African Standby Force had to be properly trained and deployed.

Fryer is the UN African Union civil policing commander in Darfur.

He said the police and the military played an important role in peacekeeping, although the former’s role was often overlooked.

“Long after the guns have gone silent, crime continues, especially organised crime such as the trafficking of weapons and drugs, which can shake a country to its core.

“This is my biggest fear and the signs that these crimes are starting in Sudan are there, especially with the increase in reported hijackings,” he said.

Fryer said his members, whose mandate was to protect civilians and help build up the Sudanese police service, were working in a tough environment.

“We as a police force are unarmed. Our only defence is our running shoes, our helmets and bullet- proof vests,” he said.

Fryer said that while they had been promised a force of 6 382 members, which included 2 660 crowd management policemen and 3 772 other police members, they so far had only 50 percent of the required forces.

“What makes our operations even more difficult is that the Sudanese government had stated that 80 percent of the UNAMID had to be from African states.

“The problem is that African countries don’t have the money to deploy and we are therefore forced to rely on donor funds.

“This has led to severe challenges such as slow deployments and the provision of troops who are not properly trained,” Fryer said.

“For the past 18 months I have been struggling and I have now run out of people to inform about the situation. I have gone to both the UN and the AU and now do not know who to go to anymore. Some countries have stepped in to help but others have not.

“While I am confident that we are going to achieve our mandate, I do not know when this struggle is going to end,” he said.

He said he believed the only way for “this conflict and other conflicts in Africa to be resolved is for the peace agreement to be signed”.

Lieutenant-General Themba Matanzima, SANDF joint operations chief, said modern conflicts demanded more robust force protection and operational capabilities from peacekeepers.

He said both international and African countries had to be more involved to achieve lasting peace.

“While there is scope for more international involvement in many of the ongoing conflicts, be it through peace support operations, skills development or bilateral military assistance programmes, Africa has to do more,” he said.

Doug Brooks, International Peace Operations Association (IPOA) president, said any military force that intended to be relevant beyond its national borders would be working with the private sector.

“The private sector is revolutionising international peace operations and no mission can succeed without contractors,” he said.

The IPOA represents private companies such as security companies involved in conflict areas.

Brooks said that what made private companies so useful was that they often had the means to make a mission successful.

“A perfect example is that when calls went out from the UN to countries to provide 24 helicopters for that peacekeeping mission only three were provided,” he said.

THE KwaZulu-Natal Health Department may call in the SA National Defence Force for assistance should state doctors, paramedics, pharmacists and dentists in the province go on strike today.

However, Health MEC Sibongiseni Dhlomo said yesterday that the department was optimistic medical personnel would not strike.

“Should there be a strike, the department will seek assistance from the SANDF, but we don’t believe the strike will take off,” he said. However, King Edward VIII Hospital doctor Shailendra Sham vowed there would be a complete “shutdown” of KZN hospitals.

“The problem is that the government is constantly denying the crisis in the county’s health care system, even when doctors say they will strike,” Sham said.

“I have been on the phone and liaising via e-mail with my colleagues… and I know for sure that the vast majority of KZN health services will shut down. The strike will continue indefinitely,” he said.

Doctors from Jubilee Hospital in Hammanskraal and George Mukhari Hospital in Garankuwa, both in Pretoria, went on strike on April 16. This led to service disruptions at several state hospitals and spread to other provinces.

The doctors say the government has promised to improve their salaries and working conditions after the completion of the nurses’ occupation specific dispensation programme in July 2007.

However, this has not materialised. The government has offered public sector doctors increases ranging from 0.28 percent to 5 percent, while the doctors are demanding salary adjustments of 50 percent to 70 percent, as well as better working conditions.

The SA Medical Association (Sama) said state doctors were paid 50 percent to 65 percent less than other professionals in the public service. It said senior doctors on the same pay band as senior engineers were paid less than the engineers, while junior doctors were paid the same salary as a state director’s personal assistant.

Dhlomo urged health care workers not to participate in the illegal strike. “I would like to urge you not to make our people collateral victims. We would expect all of you to be at work and to allow the logical conclusion of the negotiation process,” he said.

Durban Coastal Sama spokesman Akhtar Hussain said the association was dissatisfied with the delay in the negotiations.

Health Department national spokesman Fidel Hadebe said the talks would resume on Wednesday and that the department would ensure that the impact of a strike was minimised.

KZN doctors will be joined in the strike by their counterparts in the Eastern Cape.

In Gauteng, doctors will decide today whether to join the action.

THOUSANDS of patients face being turned away from public hospitals tomorrow if a wildcat strike by South Africa’s 18000 disgruntled state doctors goes ahead.

The South African Medical Association (Sama) said yesterday it expected a “total shutdown” in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape, followed by the rest of the country on Tuesday and Wednesday.

By late yesterday neither the South African National Defence Force nor the private hospital sector — both central to government’s strike contingency plans — had received requests for help.

Sama spokesman Lebogang Phahladira said members had “overwhelmingly” decided to strike. Doctors would report for duty and sign attendance registers but would not treat patients.

“None of the departments will be operational and we will not see any patients, even in an emergency. We will not work until our demands are met,” said Phahladira.

Sama wants a minimum 50% salary increase for its 7000-odd members. Government has offered 5%, but a revised deal will be presented at a bargaining council meeting on Wednesday.

Sama chairman Mac Lukhele said although many members planned to strike, the union had appealed for patience until the outcome of the meeting. Some have agreed to hold off on strike action.

A spokesman for the Hospital Association of South Africa, Kurt Worrall-Clare, said the group had had no requests for help. He said that in the past the association, representing all major private hospitals, had received formal requests from the government at least two or three days before anticipated strikes.

Morgan Chetty, chairman of the KZN Managed Care Coalition representing some 3500 doctors in the private sector, said they would not have enough doctors to help out if asked.

Defence spokesman Sam Mkhwanazi said the SANDF had not been asked to assist.

The KZN MEC for health, Sibongiseni Dhlomo, said yesterday the department did not believe outside assistance was necessary because there was no crisis.

But in Gauteng on Friday, a provincial memo to Johannesburg hospitals requested contingency plans be put in place and strike committees set up.

Gauteng health spokesman Mandla Sidu said it was the “prerogative” of hospital chief executives to request SANDF and private sector assistance.

Western Cape health spokesman Faiza Steyn said the province had a “sufficient pool” of doctors, including part-time doctors, military doctors and agency staff, to draw from.

AFTER spending almost R1bn on designing, building and testing the next-generation prototype of an infantry combat vehicle for the army, Denel Land Systems says it is ready to start production of some of the key components.

This could see the R8,3bn Project Hoefyster, that Denel is contracted to deliver, moving on at least a year ahead of schedule to balance the costs of the complex design phase with manufacturing.

The Hoefyster programme aims at designing and building an eight-wheel-drive vehicle in the 25-ton class. It is to carry between four and 12 men, and be equipped with various turret and on-board options to provide infantry with motorised transport and protection. The “8x8” configuration will give the 264 vehicles built optimal mobility over the roughest terrain, ensuring the infantry can enter and withdraw from conflict areas with minimum exposure and maximum survivability.

Based on an advanced mine-protected modular vehicle from Finnish manufacturer Patria, the vehicle will replace the Ratel high-mobility combat vehicle, which is now more than 30 years old.

Denel Land Systems CEO Stephan Burger says the challenge was to ensure that the vehicle was mine- and ballistic-protected. It would have hi-tech weaponry, and communications linking it to the command centre of the defence force. All this was designed under stringent time-frames at a fixed price.

The vehicle has a quick-get-out door at the back — a technology now being sold internationally. The prototype vehicles are undergoing rigorous tests for versatility and durability by various stakeholders, particularly the army, Burger says.

“We have designed on time new subsystems with unique specifications and appropriate guns that have not existed before.

“Under normal circumstances experts would describe this move as a risk ... but we took up the challenge because of the unwavering confidence in the capability of the organisation,” he says.

Serving in at least three South African National Defence Force (SANDF) battalions, the vehicle will come in five types, with a 30mm cannon or a 60mm breech-loading mortar.

“These guns have been successfully fired,” says programmes and quality manager Reenen Teubes. “We are continuing to test and evaluate the vehicles’ mobility, including their ability to fire accurately at a distant target running or standing.

“There is also a need for troops to have the kind of weapons on board to protect the vehicle and themselves from unexpected attack.”

Teubes says Denel Land Systems will provide the SANDF with training simulators to save costs. Local companies have been subcontracted to supply these.

“The company has already built a huge capacity based on the achieved milestones, making us ready to develop some production lines with the greatest confidence of our contractor, the army,” he says.

Burger says Denel Land Systems battled some years ago to get foreign business and that the South African army had also not been buying. “The company was facing insolvency with the burden of a huge overdraft, and then the army awarded it Project Hoefyster, which has become the backbone for its survival.

“Not only is it benefiting Denel Land Systems as the primary supplier of defence equipment to the SANDF, but a number of auxiliary companies in the defence industry will remain afloat,” he says.

The army has left nothing to chance, he says. It has monitored the process from the start and built in checks and balances in the contract to ensure sustainable financing.

Burger says the defence industry is hoping for a steady flow of business over the next few years as the defence force renews old equipment and buys new inventions.

The SA National Defence Force's (SANDF) two-year voluntary military skills development system (MSDS) is helping to reduce unemployment among the youth, Deputy Defence Minister Thabang Makwetla said on Friday.

"The MSDS programme enables us to fight penury and to assist in reducing the level of unemployment among our youth," he said at the department's youth day in Thaba Tshwane, Pretoria.

He said those who had served the two years under the MSDS programme could confirm that it had enabled them to enter the workplace with greater confidence and maturity.

"All of you in the MSDS programme are indeed a special group of today's youth.

"You have undertaken a challenging task to serve the people of South Africa and to defend the country's sovereignty.

"The department of defence is grateful for your contribution to the realisation of this constitutional mandate."

Makwetla said ill-discipline, alcohol abuse, abuse of state facilities, and insubordination by MSDS members would not be tolerated.

"The MSDS programme is partly aimed at nurturing responsible leaders and members of society.

"As future leaders of the SANDF and our country, it is crucial for you to conduct yourselves in a professional and disciplined manner, both in the public and private spheres, during your operations and when off duty," he said.

The African National Congress (ANC) is likely to emerge victorious from the April 22 parliamentary elections, with the Congress of the People (COPE) - an ANC splinter party formed in late 2008 - not likely to pose a serious threat to the ANC at the poll. A lack of funds, limited time to build a large support base and the difficulty of differentiating itself effectively from the ANC will curtail the COPE's ability to mount a major electoral challenge. While certain aspects of the elections appear to be a fait accompli, we believe that South Africa's political future and stability are by no means as clearly mapped out as they may seem. An important question remains whether the ANC will be able to hold onto its two-thirds majority in parliament. While a loss of the majority will not completely undermine the ANC's dominance over South African politics, it would nevertheless make the passing of certain bills in parliament more difficult. Perhaps more importantly, the party would lose its ability to implement unilateral changes to South Africa's constitution, which could have significant implications for political stability should ANC President Jacob Zuma's corruption trial go ahead. However, it should be noted that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) stated on March 18 that South African prosecutors were considering withdrawing corruption charges against Zuma. Ongoing high levels of private investment in the run-up to the 2010 FIFA World Cup football tournament will play an integral part in dampening the negative impact of the global recession on the South African economy. In fact, we believe South Africa will remain one of the few major emerging markets in which gross fixed capital formation will remain in positive territory in 2009. Aside from partially mitigating the negative impact of the recession in 2009, we believe hosting the World Cup will also be instrumental in leading to a relatively strong economic recovery in 2010 - with the event stimulating investment, service export growth and private consumption. Slumping real private consumption and contracting real export growth will weigh heavily on economic activity during the coming year. The domestic economic crisis is expected to negatively impact the South African labour market. With job security an increasing concern, several South African labour unions have called upon the government to bail out businesses which are at risk of going bankrupt. Increased foreign competition - the result of the lifting of arms embargos - has forced South Africa’s defence industry to make significant adjustments. Although companies have laid-off significant numbers, recent procurement packages may reverse this trend in the long-term. Nevertheless, it is likely that recent government orders will increase arms imports. Despite some signs that inroads into international export markets are boosting company results, it is imperative that the South African defence industry break into international markets. At present, a lack of funding, policy and research and development (R&D) are hampering the industry. The significant players remain Denel, the former manufacturing divisions of Armscor, BAE Systems’ Land Systems South Africa, African Defence Systems (ADS), Grintek Defence & Technologies, Reutech and the civil and military aviation industry specialist Aerosud.

Executive Summary 5 SWOT Analysis 7 South Africa Security SWOT 7 South Africa Defence Industry SWOT 8 South Africa Political SWOT 8 South Africa Economic SWOT 9 South Africa Business Environment SWOT 9 Political Overview 10 Security Risk Analysis 13 BMI's Security Ratings 13 Table: Middle East And Africa Defence And Security Ratings 13 Table: Middle East And North Africa State Terrorism Vulnerability Index 14 South Africa - Security Ratings 14 Conflict Risk 14 Terrorism Risk 15 Physical Safety Risk 15 Security Overview 16 Internal Security Situation 16 Table: South Africa - Insurgent Groups 16 Latest Developments 17 External Security Situation 18 Armed Forces And Government Spending 20 Armed Forces 20 Historical Strength 20 New Role For The SANDF 21 Acquisitions 21 HIV/AIDS 22 'Army Vision 2020' 22 International Deployments 23 Table: South African Foreign Deployments 23 Weapons Of Mass Destruction 23 Market Overview 25 Arms Trade Overview 26 Industry Trends And Developments 27 Procurement Trends And Developments 29 Air Force 29 Navy 30 Army 31 Industry Forecast Scenario 33 Armed Forces 33 Table: South Africa's Armed Forces, 2004-2012 33 Table: South Africa's Government Defence Expenditure, 2005-2013 35 Key Risks To BMI's Forecast Scenario 36 Macroeconomic Forecast 36 Table: South Africa - Macroeconomic Activity, 2006-2013 40 Company Profiles 41 BAE Systems Land Systems South Africa 41 Denel 42 ADS (African Defence Systems) 43 Grintek Defence & Technologies 44 Reutech 45 Aerosud 46 Country Snapshot: South Africa Demographic Data 47 Section 1: Population 47 Table: Demographic Indicators, 2005-2030 47 Table: Rural/Urban Breakdown, 2005-2030 48 Section 2: Education And Healthcare 48 Table: Education, 2002-2005 48 Table: Vital Statistics, 2005-2030 48 Section 3: Labour Market And Spending Power 49 Table: Employment Indicators, 2001-2006 49 Table: Consumer Expenditure, 2000-2012 (US$) 49 Table: Average Annual Wages, 2000-2012 50 BMI Forecast Modelling 51 How We Generate Our Industry Forecasts 51 Defence Industry 51 Sources 52

New Report Just Published: South Africa Defence and Security Report Q2 2009

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2009-06-17

Reportlinker.com announces that a new market research report related to the Aviation - Aerospace - Defense industry is available in its catalogue.

More information regarding this report:

th Africa Defence and Security Report Q2 2009

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The African National Congress (ANC) is likely to emerge victorious from the April 22 parliamentary elections, with the Congress of the People (COPE) - an ANC splinter party formed in late 2008 - not likely to pose a serious threat to the ANC at the poll. A lack of funds, limited time to build a large support base and the difficulty of differentiating itself effectively from the ANC will curtail the COPE's ability to mount a major electoral challenge. While certain aspects of the elections appear to be a fait accompli, we believe that South Africa's political future and stability are by no means as clearly mapped out as they may seem. An important question remains whether the ANC will be able to hold onto its two-thirds majority in parliament. While a loss of the majority will not completely undermine the ANC's dominance over South African politics, it would nevertheless make the passing of certain bills in parliament more difficult. Perhaps more importantly, the party would lose its ability to implement unilateral changes to South Africa's constitution, which could have significant implications for political stability should ANC President Jacob Zuma's corruption trial go ahead. However, it should be noted that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) stated on March 18 that South African prosecutors were considering withdrawing corruption charges against Zuma. Ongoing high levels of private investment in the run-up to the 2010 FIFA World Cup football tournament will play an integral part in dampening the negative impact of the global recession on the South African economy. In fact, we believe South Africa will remain one of the few major emerging markets in which gross fixed capital formation will remain in positive territory in 2009. Aside from partially mitigating the negative impact of the recession in 2009, we believe hosting the World Cup will also be instrumental in leading to a relatively strong economic recovery in 2010 - with the event stimulating investment, service export growth and private consumption. Slumping real private consumption and contracting real export growth will weigh heavily on economic activity during the coming year. The domestic economic crisis is expected to negatively impact the South African labour market. With job security an increasing concern, several South African labour unions have called upon the government to bail out businesses which are at risk of going bankrupt. Increased foreign competition - the result of the lifting of arms embargos - has forced South Africa’s defence industry to make significant adjustments. Although companies have laid-off significant numbers, recent procurement packages may reverse this trend in the long-term. Nevertheless, it is likely that recent government orders will increase arms imports. Despite some signs that inroads into international export markets are boosting company results, it is imperative that the South African defence industry break into international markets. At present, a lack of funding, policy and research and development (R&D) are hampering the industry. The significant players remain Denel, the former manufacturing divisions of Armscor, BAE Systems’ Land Systems South Africa, African Defence Systems (ADS), Grintek Defence & Technologies, Reutech and the civil and military aviation industry specialist Aerosud.

Executive Summary 5 SWOT Analysis 7 South Africa Security SWOT 7 South Africa Defence Industry SWOT 8 South Africa Political SWOT 8 South Africa Economic SWOT 9 South Africa Business Environment SWOT 9 Political Overview 10 Security Risk Analysis 13 BMI's Security Ratings 13 Table: Middle East And Africa Defence And Security Ratings 13 Table: Middle East And North Africa State Terrorism Vulnerability Index 14 South Africa - Security Ratings 14 Conflict Risk 14 Terrorism Risk 15 Physical Safety Risk 15 Security Overview 16 Internal Security Situation 16 Table: South Africa - Insurgent Groups 16 Latest Developments 17 External Security Situation 18 Armed Forces And Government Spending 20 Armed Forces 20 Historical Strength 20 New Role For The SANDF 21 Acquisitions 21 HIV/AIDS 22 'Army Vision 2020' 22 International Deployments 23 Table: South African Foreign Deployments 23 Weapons Of Mass Destruction 23 Market Overview 25 Arms Trade Overview 26 Industry Trends And Developments 27 Procurement Trends And Developments 29 Air Force 29 Navy 30 Army 31 Industry Forecast Scenario 33 Armed Forces 33 Table: South Africa's Armed Forces, 2004-2012 33 Table: South Africa's Government Defence Expenditure, 2005-2013 35 Key Risks To BMI's Forecast Scenario 36 Macroeconomic Forecast 36 Table: South Africa - Macroeconomic Activity, 2006-2013 40 Company Profiles 41 BAE Systems Land Systems South Africa 41 Denel 42 ADS (African Defence Systems) 43 Grintek Defence & Technologies 44 Reutech 45 Aerosud 46 Country Snapshot: South Africa Demographic Data 47 Section 1: Population 47 Table: Demographic Indicators, 2005-2030 47 Table: Rural/Urban Breakdown, 2005-2030 48 Section 2: Education And Healthcare 48 Table: Education, 2002-2005 48 Table: Vital Statistics, 2005-2030 48 Section 3: Labour Market And Spending Power 49 Table: Employment Indicators, 2001-2006 49 Table: Consumer Expenditure, 2000-2012 (US$) 49 Table: Average Annual Wages, 2000-2012 50 BMI Forecast Modelling 51 How We Generate Our Industry Forecasts 51 Defence Industry 51 Sources 52

Selon des sources fiables citées par un site web local, madatimes.com, le gouvernement de transition a décidé de déployer des blindés dans les aéroports au sud du pays afin de prévenir une éventuelle intrusion de Ravalomanana, qui a juré de rentrer, si nécessaire, avec l'aide de troupes étrangères.

Les témoins oculaires ont dit que les chars sont sur le chemin vers la ville portuaire de Morondava, à 700 km au Sud-Ouest d'Antananarivo, et Taolagnaro, une ville portuaire à 1 100 km au Sud-Est.

Il a été rapporté que Ravalomanana et 20 de ses partisans ont fui à l'extérieur du pays à partir de l'aéroport de Morondava avec l'aide d'une équipe de l'armée sud-africaine le 25 mars, quatre jours après l'ancien maire d'Antananarivo Andry Rajoelina lui a remplacé en tant que président du pays.

Des éléments du groupe de sécurité et d'intervention spéciales (Gsis) de la gendarmerie nationale ont été déjà déployés dans le sud au début de cette semaine, madatimes.com a dit, citant des sources qui ont refusé d'être identifiées.

Vendredi, Noel Rakotonandrasana, ministre de la Défense sous le gouvernement de transition a mis en garde les forces armées contre l'éventuel retour de Ravalomanana avec des forces armées étrangères.

Rakotonandrasana a dit aux reporters, à la fin d'une conférence de trois jours de la police nationale malgache que les forces armées sont "maintenant en état d'alerte."

Ravalomanana a dit à plusieurs reprises qu'il emmènera des armées pacificatrices étrangères à la grande île pour rétablir l'ordre constitutionnel et sa présidence.

Des rumeurs ont circulé cette semaine que Ravalomanana pourrait être de retour à son pays à la fin de semaine.

Veterans of the ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), who are taking on an increasingly political role through their organisation, the MK Military Veterans Association (MKMVA), say they aim to achieve official status and recognition now that they have a ministry to take care of their needs.

The first step involves verification of all those claiming MK veteran status as well as the design of an official MK veterans uniform which will promote unity and discipline. National organiser Fumane-kile Booi says though the first objective is to properly organise MK veterans, who have felt discriminated against since the integration of the armed forces in 1994, the ultimate goal is the creation of a single SA military veterans organisation with a common identifying uniform.

He says it is hoped that the ministry of defence, which is now also the ministry of military veterans, will assist them.

At this stage, the MKMVA is not even certain of the number of members it has and whether all those who claim veteran status served in the ANC’s armed wing.

“There might be as many as 30000 and we are still discovering people every day who served. But there are also those who have made fraudulent claims and even got special pensions fraudulently,” says Booi.

But chancers are being weeded out.

“We are putting things in place for proper verification. Since most of us were based in Angola it is possible to find out whether someone was known ... Sometimes I get people born [as late as] 1989 coming to my office to say they are a veteran of MK. We are in a long process of gathering information.”

The MKMVA wants to ensure that the names of all those who served in MK are recorded on the walls at the Freedom Park monument in Pretoria. It also wants to recover the bodies of soldiers buried outside SA.

Booi says that veterans of MK want the same status accorded to veterans of all other conflicts.

“Veterans of World War 2 have their uniforms and blazers. We want a uniform that we can use to identify ourselves. So when we march somewhere it brings about some discipline and ensures exemplary behaviour.”

Last week, MK veterans wearing an array of “old” MK camouflage gear and MKMVA T-shirts marched to the Western Cape provincial legislature to protest against premier Helen Zille. The vets demanded that Zille apologise for her “disrespectful comments” about President Jacob Zuma, whom she had described as “deeply sexist” and criticised for “endangering his wives” by having unprotected sex with an HIV-positive woman. They also want Zille to disband her all-male cabinet.

At first glance, the gathered MK veterans were in the standard camouflage uniforms of the SA National Defence Force (SANDF). Section 104 of the Defence Act states that any unauthorised person who wears official uniforms, distinctive marks or crests is guilty of an offence, and if convicted can be fined or sentenced to five years in prison. A June 1993 Government Gazette prescribes the camouflage as being for exclusive use by the army.

Defence ministry spokesman Sam Mkhwanazi said the uniform worn by the MK veterans “did not look like” that of the SANDF, and suggested it had a closer resemblance to the Zimbabwean army.

Zille was not there to receive the veterans’ memorandum, which was collected by Western Cape housing MEC Bonginkosi Madikizela, contemptuously described as a “boyfriend” of Zille, and a puppet.

Booi said the veterans would continue to march until Zille apologised.

Chief of the South African Navy, Vice Admiral Johannes Mudimu said the reason behind the Navy introducing the Military Skills Development (MSD) programme was to hone the skills of young people for service in the military.

He was speaking on Thursday at the graduation ceremony for 500 young people from different parts of the country who had completed their six months MSD training.

Admiral Mudimu urged them to treasure the opportunity and to accept the responsibilities and sacrifices of this chosen career that is dedicated to serving people.

"You have been armed with the knowledge and skills that will guide you in your careers and as you stand on this threshold, the success of your future lays squarely in your hands," he said.

Admiral Mudimu told the graduates that they must have steadfast leadership, values, ethos and standards that are upheld through discipline because the Navy could not afford to have members that defied orders and refused to comply with standards.

One of the graduates, Jacqueline Oliphant, 19, from Knysna in the Western Cape, told BuaNews that she intends continuing her training to be part of Maritime Reaction Squad (MRS) in the Navy.

"I intend to work in the South African Navy for as long as I live," she said.

Ms Oliphant has been interested in becoming part of the Navy since she was a child.

Andrew Roth, 22, from Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape, intends continuing with training to become part of the Military Police. "I have been looking for something challenging, I'm glad that the MSD programme had made it possible for me to become part of the Military Police."

He said the MSD programme was challenging and exciting.

The Navy's MSD is a two-year voluntary youth empowerment programme initiated by the Department of Defence to provide military and essential skills to South African youth who aspire to follow a military career in the South African National Defence Force.

The MSDS is also aimed at rejuvenating the SANDF, providing it with scarce skills as well as serving as a feeder system for the Defence Reserves.

Since its commencement in 2003, approximately more 10 000 youth from all over South Africa have been recruited by the South African National Defence through this system.

The Navy absorbs more than 1000 recruits in January and July per annum respectively as part of the Programme.

According to the department, graduates become pilots, engineers, air navigators, military doctors and combat officers, boosting the country's scarce skills demand.

The programme gives youngsters, who achieved good marks in school but have been unable to further their studies at tertiary institutions or had to drop out due to financial constraints, a chance in life.

The department engages in a process of selecting school learners who apply to take part in the programme. They then sign an initial two-year contract, after which they are considered for further service in the permanent force.

DESPITE navy chief Refiloe Mudimu’s scornful rejection of claims that he refuses to pay allegiance to South Africa’s president, a defence force union says it will now go to Jacob Zuma himself to have the vice-admiral axed.

But the SA Security Forces Union (Sasfu) has not as yet been able to present The Mercury with evidence for any of its claims.

Sasfu president Bhekinkosi Mvovo claimed that on at least two occasions, in senior management meetings, union members heard Mudimu say he would not support an “uneducated” president. He added that Mudimu had used a navy vehicle and driver to attend Cope rallies in the run-up to the recent elections.

Mudimu said, in a statement released yesterday, that he was considering taking legal action.

“I reject, with the strongest contempt, any attempt to imply that I, as the chief of the SA Navy… have insulted or compromised the commander in chief of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), and president of the country, (Zuma), in any way whatsoever.”

The demand by Lieutenant-Commander Bhekinkosi Mvovo, president of the SA Security Services Union (Sasfu), for the dismissal of Chief of the SA Navy (SAN), Vice-Admiral Johannes Refiloe Mudimu, on the grounds that he would not pay allegiance to President Jacob Zuma, is out of line.

We cannot have defence force unions meddling in the appointment and promotion of senior military officers.

Like all military officers, Mudimu is free to support any political party he chooses, and only owes allegiance to the constitution and the Republic of South Africa.

The problem here is that Mvovo, who is a serving military officer in the SAN, appears to be using a union platform to further the political interests of one faction of the ANC, when the SANDF may not, in terms of the constitution, behave in a way that advances the interests of any political party in South Africa.

One suspects that Sasfu is being used as a political battering ram to promote the political interests of Cosatu, to which Sasfu is affiliated, and to settle political scores in the post-Polokwane battle for control of the ANC.

It is imperative in our constitutional democracy that the Defence Force and the defence unions are not drawn into what could be perceived as advancing the interests of a political party.

CHIEF of the South African Navy Vice-Admiral Refiloe Mudimu has refuted claims by the South African Security Forces Union (Sasfu) that he said he would not respect President Jacob Zuma because Zuma was not educated.

Sasfu levelled the charge against Mudimu at a weekend press conference in which it highlighted problems it saw in the SANDF.

Union president Bhekinkosi Bantu Mvovo demanded that Mudimu be sacked for his alleged remarks.

Mudimu said today he had dedicated his life to serving the country and “its people in numerous capacities”.

“I wish to place on record that I reject all allegations and aspersions contained in this article with contempt,” Mudimu said.

“I have, for much of my life, been a loyal member of the African National Congress and the people’s army, Umkhonto we Sizwe, having been part of the 1976 June 16 uprising generation.

Dedicated

“During this time I dedicated myself to furthering of the youth movement, being deployed throughout the continent and working, among others, as an ordinance operative, and infiltrating weapons and personnel into South Africa.

“The costly sacrifices these activities required were supported by the abiding conviction that liberation of the South African people from the apartheid regime was possible; and that my life was being lived towards this end,” Mudimu added.

“With the attainment of our freedom in 1994, I pledged my loyalty to the government of the day – a pledge that was founded, once again, in my belief in a democratic South Africa.

“In making this pledge of allegiance, I affirmed the centrality of the deed of commission and the code of conduct for members of the South African National Defence Force in my life,” he said.

“I therefore must reject, with the strongest contempt, any attempt to imply that I, as the chief of the South African Navy, and a South African whose life has been dedicated to upholding the values of our constitution, have insulted or compromised the commander in chief of the South African National Defence Force, and president of the country, His Excellency Jacob Zuma, in any way whatsoever,” Mudimu said.

The allegations by Mr Mvovo of the SA Security Forces Union smack of ill-informed posturing at best. Has one of his informants perhaps been passed over for promotion?

There is no doubt the SA Navy faces serious problems, but none of them are of Admiral Mudimu’s doing or within his power to solve – such as funding levels being inadequate for effective training and maintenance; limited authority to make senior appointments in the navy; and inappropriate and “politically correct” Department of Defence personnel policies that run counter to what is required to build and maintain an effective force.

It is difficult to see how he could do better in the circumstances. In fact, he has done extremely well and is widely respected by senior officers of other navies. I know that from personal conversations with the chiefs of two major European navies, and from what friends and colleagues have heard while overseas. He also has a very clear vision of where the navy should be going to effectively serve the interests of South Africa and the wider region.

None of these problems is unique to the SA Navy. To take but one example: The SA Navy has three submarines and only one-and-a-half crews. The Royal Australian Navy, facing fewer problems and none of the politically inspired ones, has six submarines and one-and-a-half crews.

Discipline throughout the SANDF is poor – in part because every time someone needs to be disciplined one of the unions cries “unfair” or “racial discrimination”.

Mr Mvovo also vents on the subject of SA Air Force flight training, claiming that “brilliant black students are being told that they cannot fly”.

The SAAF has a long record of effective and safe flying, a combination that is not achieved easily. The key has been a strong emphasis on selecting the right people and ensuring thorough training before they are let loose in machines that fall to the ground if not handled properly.

There have been problems attracting enough young black people with the aptitude and the education for military aviation, in no small part because they are also head-hunted by commerce and industry, offering better salaries for far less effort. That, combined with its reluctance to lower the standard, has led to allegations of racism.

The Chief of the SAAF, Lt-Gen Gagiano, asked the Air Force of Zimbabwe to second instructors to the Central Flying School partly to address that very problem. Those instructors promptly washed out several black students whom the SAAF had been forced by political pressure to keep on, despite their clearly lacking the necessary abilities. Among them was one who had already failed three times and damaged two aircraft in the process. Perhaps he is one of Mr Mvovo’s “brilliant” black students?

Having known General Gagiano and other senior SAAF officers, black and white, for many years, I simply do not see them letting any potentially competent black pilot slip out of their hands. Whites, yes, because of the political pressure to achieve racial quotas; blacks, no way.

Where was Mr Mvovo when a senior air force officer was caught with crib notes during an exam and was not dismissed? Or when an army officer who had been unable to pass his staff course cheated and was caught, but has since been promoted?

Incompetent, dishonest officers will kill some of our soldiers. Should the Security Forces Union not be complaining about that? Or is it because the officers I have mentioned here happened to be black that it did not utter a squeak? Or perhaps it simply does not care about the safety of our soldiers, preferring political posturing that raises its profile to the harder work of ensuring an effective Defence Force?

This was the department's response to a Cape Argus report which revealed that the South African Security Forces Union (Sasfu) had accused Navy chief Refilu Johannes Mudimu of refusing to honour President Jacob Zuma.

Sasfu claimed at the weekend that Mudimu had said he would not recognise Zuma as commander-in-chief because the president was not an educated man.

The union also alleged that the navy was riddled with problems because Mudimu had run out of vision and that the SA Air Force was failing "brilliant black student pilots" because it was still run by "racists from the apartheid era".

The SANDF had similar problems, the union said at a press conference on Sunday.

"The department has noted with concern media allegations attributed to Sasfu," said spokesperson Sam Mkhwanazi. "If true, the department finds it strange that Sasfu, whose members are employees of the SANDF, chose to ignore channels available to them to voice their grievances, but instead addressed such concerns through the media."

Mudimu has kept mum on the union's claims, but independent commentators have leapt to his defence.

SA Navy officers were not allowed to comment on the Sasfu claims as the matter is considered a departmental issue.

Mudimu was described by commentators as a pragmatic civil servant with no obvious political affiliations. His policy on promotions among senior staff had been controversial, as he had focused on promoting on merit rather than on racial lines.

SA Navy chief Johannes Refiloe Mudimu is mum on “unsubstantiated” media claims that he refuses to pay allegiance to President Jacob Zuma.

The SA Security Forces Union (Sasfu) called for his resignation this week, saying the vice-admiral had told senior naval staff he would not support a president he felt was “uneducated”.

This was according to Sasfu president Bhekinkosi Mvovo, who addressed a media briefing he called this week.

“The members of the SA Navy have lost confidence in the top leadership of the service,” he said, further alleging that Mudimu had used a navy vehicle and driver to attend political (Cope) rallies recently.

He referred to “admirals being charged for various charges including fraud” and said the service was “in a catastrophic condition” as a result.

“(The Department of Defence) has requested that I do not deal with this matter personally,” Mudimu told the Cape Times yesterday.

In a statement issued last night, defence spokesman Sam Mkhwanazi said they “(would) not comment or entertain such unsubstantiated allegations as reported by the media”.

If the allegations were true, he said: “The department finds it strange that Sasfu ... chose to ignore channels available to them to voice their grievances and concerns, but instead addressed (these) through the media.”

Mvovo said the union had requested a meeting with Defence Minister Lindiwe Sisulu to discuss these and other issues.

According to him, the entire SA National Defence Force (SANDF) was in a “shocking state”. He said racism and discrimination were rife in the SA Air Force, alleging that white managers in the air force discriminated against black pilots.

He said transformation was needed and called for Sisulu’s “urgent” intervention.

The SA Security Forces Union (Sasfu) has threatened to "mobilise" if the salaries of health and other professionals serving in the SA National Defence Force are not upped immediately.

"Military professionals will no longer be used like animals and replace public servants when they go on strike," the union said in a statement on Sunday.

Military doctors, engineers, technical and scarce-skills personnel serving in the SANDF covered by the occupational specific dispensation (OSD) deserved to be paid accordingly.

"We demand the government treat us as human beings and pay the OSD immediately, or we will be forced to mobilise the members of the defence force to join hands with... their counterparts in industrial action in demand of the payment of OSD and improved salaries," Sasfu said.

Public sector doctors across the country are currently demanding better pay and working conditions.

Among other things, they are calling for the immediate implementation of the OSD, which was supposed to take effect in July last year, and a minimum 50 percent increase in basic salary.

In its statement, Sasfu also said racism and discrimination in the SA Air Force had "reached [an] unendurable situation".

"The minister must intervene immediately as black student pilots can no longer endure discrimination, and the deployment of Zimbabwe training personnel proves not [to be] helping," it said.

PRESIDENT Jacob Zuma recommitted his government to extinguishing fires on the continent’s troubled countries, from Madagascar to Zimbabwe.

In his State of the Nation address, Zuma said South Africa would “participate in promoting inclusive government until free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe”.

“The plight of the Zimbabwean people has had a negative impact on the SADC region, especially South Africa. We call upon all peace-loving countries in the world to support the inclusive government to achieve economic recovery,” he said.

“Through continental and regional bodies,” Zuma said, “South Africa will work towards the entrenchment of democracy and the respect for human rights on the African continent.”

Zuma seemed to have toned down his harsh attitude towards President Robert Mugabe, after saying earlier this year that he would not call the Zimbabwean leader – who attended his Union Buildings inauguration – a comrade.

He applauded the role played by the SANDF in its peacekeeping efforts in the continent’s hotspots. “We will support the peace efforts of the African Union and the UN on the African continent, including in the Saharawi Arab Republic and Darfur in Sudan.

“We will support efforts of the SADC region to resolve the situation in Madagascar,” Zuma announced, hours after a court in Madagascar had sentenced ousted president Marc Ravalomanana to four years in jail over his buying last year of a $60 million (R482m) presidential jet.

Ravalomanana, who has taken refuge in South Africa, was toppled by Andry Rajoelina in a bloodless coup.

SA, Zuma said, would continue its role of assisting in the reconstruction and development of the African continent – especially in post-conflict situations.

Zuma emphasised the need for regional bodies to play a developmental role.

“Equally important, and closer to home, is the strengthening of regional integration, with particular emphasis on improving the political and economic integration of SADC, towards the African Union goal of a union government. We will establish a South African Development Partnership Agency to promote developmental partnerships with other countries on the continent,” he said.

Zuma reassured the world of continuity in SA’s current foreign policy approach, emphasising the need to carry through most of his predecessor Thabo Mbeki’s pet projects.

He said that prioritising the African continent and strengthening the AU would remain the cornerstone of the country’s foreign policy.

Zuma also committed his government to giving “special” focus to implementation of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad).

“We have committed ourselves over the years to contribute to building a better Africa and a better world. The main goal of the government for the medium term is to ensure that our foreign relations contribute to the creation of an environment conducive to sustainable economic growth and development,” he said.

Pundits had predicted a different approach to foreign policy after Zuma changed the name of the Foreign Affairs Ministry to International Relations and Co-operation and replaced his former wife – Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, who spent 10 years in the portfolio – with Maite Nkoana-Mashabane.

About the Middle East, Zuma stressed the need of a “peaceful and sustainable” settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a “two-state solution”.

Dans les nouvelles démocraties africaines, des réformes tentent de créer des armées qui protègent les civils et qui respectent les droits de l'homme.

"Le Libéria est en train de constituer une armée nouvelle et nous sommes très stricts sur la question des principes", déclare le Lieutenant Eric Dennis qui enseigne le droit humanitaire international aux nouvelles recrues. Dans un pays où les forces armées - celles du gouvernement comme celles des rebelles - ont commis par le passé de nombreuses atrocités, il espère aider à mettre sur pied une institution nouvelle qui "ne ternira jamais l'image de notre armée et de notre pays. Nous voulons une armée de soldats professionnels."

Le recrutement de la nouvelle armée a seulement commencé en 2006 et ses 2 000 soldats -dont 100 femmes - continuent de suivre un entraînement. Les Libériens expriment un optimisme prudent. Un sondage d'opinion de février 2008 indique que 55 % des Libériens interrogés ont confiance dans l'armée, un niveau de confiance plus faible que celui accordé au gouvernement et au système électoral, mais supérieur à celui dont bénéficient les banques et les tribunaux du pays.

A quelques milliers de kilomètres de là, en République démocratique du Congo (RDC), mettre sur pied une nouvelle armée se révèle une expérience plus difficile. Bien que les Casques bleus de l'ONU et des conseillers européens aient essayé de professionnaliser l'armée nationale, des cas de pillage, de viols et autres violences commises par ses troupes, continuent d'être signalés, particulièrement dans les provinces troublées de l'Est.

D'Afrique du Sud au Burundi et jusqu'en Côte d'Ivoire, d'autres pays d'Afrique tentent aussi de restructurer et de professionnaliser leur armée, leur police et leurs services de renseignement. Ce processus rencontre de nombreuses difficultés, mais est de plus en plus perçu comme un facteur vital pour assurer à long terme paix et stabilité sur le continent.

L'élan que connaît ce mouvement de réforme s'accélère à mesure que de nouveaux pays cherchent à consolider leur démocratie ou à se reconstruire après des guerres destructrices, note le Général de division Carl Coleman, un ancien officier supérieur des forces armées ghanéennes. Auparavant, les élites politiques utilisaient avant tout leur armée et leur police pour se maintenir au pouvoir, "sans aucune considération pour le peuple qu'ils gouvernaient", a-t-il expliqué à Afrique Renouveau au cours d'un entretien accordé dans les bureaux d'Accra au Ghana de Dialogue et recherche en matière de sécurité africaine (ASDR) un laboratoire d'idées non gouvernemental panafricain où il travaille comme analyste principal.

Du problème à la solution

Pendant trop longtemps, l'armée, la police et les services de renseignement africains ont été des sources importantes de conflit et d'insécurité pour les citoyens africains. Souvent mal rémunérés, leurs membres se livraient au vol et à l'extorsion simplement pour pouvoir vivre. Chefs d'Etat et autres hommes politiques se servaient de leur armée pour réprimer les manifestations populaires et éliminer leurs rivaux, et il arrivait fréquemment que l'armée organise un coup d'Etat pour prendre les rênes du pouvoir.

Plus de 100 policières prêtent serment au cours d'une cérémonie de janvier 2009 au Libéria.

En Afrique comme ailleurs, affirme le Secrétaire général de l'ONU Ban Ki-moon, "lorsqu'elles sont mal formées, sous-équipées, mal gérées et irrégulièrement payées, les forces de sécurité contribuent à l'insécurité en se rendant coupables de graves violations des droits de l'homme."

Étant donné le faible contrôle exercé par les autorités civiles et le manque de mécanismes de responsabilisation, les militaires et les policiers auteurs d'abus de pouvoir et de violences échappaient régulièrement à toute sanction. Dans certains pays, note le Général de division à la retraite Ishola Williams, secrétaire du chapitre nigérian de l'organisation de lutte contre la corruption Transparency International, les organismes de sécurité baignaient dans une "culture de l'impunité et de la violence."

Dans un certain nombre de pays qui émergent de guerres civiles ou de longues périodes de dictature, les réformateurs essayent de rompre avec le passé.

"Réforme du système de sécurité" (RSS) est la formule la plus généralement utilisée pour décrire ces initiatives, bien qu'elle ne soit pas la seule. Quelle que soit la variante en usage, le concept de "sécurité" ne concerne pas simplement les institutions centrales que sont l'armée et la police, explique le Général Coleman. Les tribunaux, le système pénitentiaire et les organes de contrôle civil, comme les Ministères et les Parlements, doivent de préférence être englobés dans le processus de réforme. "Tout cela est lié. Vous ne pouvez pas faire l'un en négligeant l'autre."

Au sortir de la guerre

La plupart des pays africains pourraient bénéficier d'une réforme de leur système de sécurité, soutient Kwesi Aning, Directeur du département de la prévention des conflits du Centre international Kofi Annan de formation au maintien de la paix (KAIPTC) qui à Accra assure l'instruction de personnels militaires et policiers de tout le continent. Même au Ghana, a-t-il expliqué à Afrique Renouveau, l'armée et la police ne coordonnent pas très bien leurs interventions dans les affrontements locaux. "Même dans les sociétés non conflictuelles, il existe un besoin d'un meilleur contrôle des organismes de sécurité et de mécanismes de coordination et de consultation."

Des Casques bleus sud-africains au Congo : à la suite d'une restructuration approfondie, les forces armées sud-africaines sont désormais chargées de défendre la démocratie dans leur pays et la paix à l'étranger.

Cependant, le désir de réformes fondamentales a habituellement été le plus fort dans les pays qui viennent de sortir d'une guerre. En Sierra Leone, les efforts pour restructurer l'armée nationale ont commencé en 2000, avant même la fin de la guerre civile. Le programme, recevant une aide financière importante du Royaume-Uni et dirigé par des officiers et des conseillers techniques britanniques, a cherché à réorganiser les forces armées de la base au sommet.

L'armée était particulièrement faible au niveau du commandement, un grand nombre des officiers les plus professionnels étant morts ou en exil, "nous avons donc dû partir pratiquement de zéro," rappelait plus tard le Général de division Jonathon Riley, l'officier britannique responsable. Pendant ce temps, la mission de maintien de la paix de l'ONU aidait à former la police.

La situation en Sierra Leone est restée relativement calme depuis, même pendant les élections vivement disputées de septembre 2007. Non seulement les forces de sécurité ne sont pas intervenues pour favoriser le parti au pouvoir, mais elles ont même soutenu le transfert pacifique du pouvoir à l'opposition qui a remporté les élections.

En Angola, après près de 25 ans de guerre civile, la paix a été finalement rétablie en 2002. Des dizaines de milliers de combattants des deux camps ont été désarmés et démobilisés. Un nombre important de combattants de l'ancien groupe rebelle a été incorporé dans l'armée nationale et une police nationale unifiée a été créée.

L'armée et la police nationales du Burundi ont été réorganisées par étapes, après la signature en 2003 d'un accord de paix initial entre les factions opposées dans la guerre civile. De nombreux combattants des forces gouvernementales et des groupes rebelles ont été démobilisés, mais un grand nombre d'insurgés ont été également incorporés dans les forces de sécurité régulières. Le projet de réduire les effectifs combinés de l'armée et de la police de 25 000 à 15 000 est cependant bloqué depuis avril 2008, car une dernière faction rebelle attend d'y être incorporée.

En Côte d'Ivoire, l'accord de paix de 2007 a établi un nouveau gouvernement de coalition et élaboré des plans pour réunifier le pays, créer une armée unifiée et organiser des élections nationales. Mais le désarmement et la démobilisation des combattants ont progressé lentement et des désaccords se sont exprimés sur la manière de restaurer une armée et une police nationales unifiées.

Un Casque bleu dirige l'instruction de soldats congolais : cette formation cherche aussi à sensibiliser au respect des droits de l'homme et à lutter contre la violence sexuelle.

Des projets de réforme du système de sécurité ont aussi été discutés dans d'autres pays comme la République centrafricaine et la Guinée-Bissau. Mais la persistance de l'instabilité politique, dramatiquement illustrée par l'assassinat du président et du chef des forces armées de Guinée-Bissau début mars, ont empêché toute réorganisation sérieuse.

Dans les pays où certaines mesures de réforme du système de sécurité ont été prises, elles n'ont généralement pas été correctement coordonnées avec les autres mesures d'après-conflit comme les programmes de désarmement, de démobilisation et de réinsertion (DDR) pour les ex-combattants qui cherchent à retourner à la vie civile (voir Afrique Renouveau, octobre 2005 et octobre 2007). Au cours d'une conférence internationale sur les programmes DDR organisée en juin 2007 par le Bureau du Conseiller spécial pour l'Afrique de l'ONU, une session entière a été consacrée à promouvoir une meilleure coordination entre les opérations de DDR et les mesures de réforme du système de sécurité.

Le modèle de transformation sud-africain

L'une des réorganisations les plus importantes et les plus réussies d'une armée du continent a eu lieu en Afrique du Sud. Elle a été si radicale et d'une telle portée que les Sud-africains préfèrent parler de "transformation," plutôt que de réforme. Auparavant, l'armée sud-africaine, soutenue par plusieurs forces armées pro-gouvernementales à caractère ethnique se consacrait à la défense du système politique de l'apartheid qui assurait la domination blanche, contre les mouvements de libération de la majorité noire. Mais avec la fin de l'apartheid et les premières élections démocratiques de 1994, pratiquement toutes les institutions gouvernementales étaient destinées à être réformées.

Selon la stratégie de défense définie en 1995, le principe qui a guidé la nouvelle approche sud-africaine est d'assurer que l'armée, la police et les autres organes de sécurité mettent au rang de "préoccupation primordiale" la "sécurité de la population", la protection de ses libertés, de sa sécurité et de l'ordre public.

En conséquence, une nouvelle Force de défense nationale sud-africaine (SANDF) a été créée à partir de 1994 par l'intégration de sept forces armées différentes : l'armée de guérilla du Congrès national africain (ANC) victorieux, un autre petit groupe de résistance, l'armée régulière de l'ancien régime et sept armées des "homelands". Le processus a été accompagné de mesures visant à renforcer le contrôle des autorités civiles, dont celui exercé par le Parlement, et à "démilitariser" le ministère de la Défense. Les diverses forces de police du pays ainsi que l'appareil judiciaire ont également été unifiés.

La réorganisation et la formation poursuivies au cours des années suivantes ont fait de l'armée et de la police des forces hautement professionnelles qui consacrent leurs efforts à combattre la criminalité et les autres formes d'insécurité dans le pays tout en contribuant à des opérations de maintien de la paix internationales, en Afrique et ailleurs. Selon feu le Colonel Rocky Williams, un ancien commandant dans l'organisation armée de l'ANC, un certain nombre de facteurs ont contribué au succès relatif de cette transformation : un Etat fort, une économie solide et "le fait que les Sud-africains eux-mêmes ont géré la transition."

Le Congo, une poudrière

Comme en Afrique du Sud, le conflit en RDC s'est terminé par un accord des belligérants qui ont accepté d'unifier leurs forces au sein d'une nouvelle armée nationale. Mais les résultats ont été jusqu'ici bien moins probants. Charles Mwando Nsimba, le Ministre de la défense congolais, reconnaissait en janvier que l'armée était toujours infestée par "l'indiscipline notoire à tous les niveaux, les associations des malfaiteurs, les violences faites aux femmes, le détournement de la paie destinée aux militaires."

La guerre a été particulièrement destructrice en RDC, elle a aussi revêtu un aspect très complexe, impliquant de nombreuses factions congolaises ainsi que les armées d'une demi-douzaine de pays voisins. En 2002, les principaux combattants ont signé un accord de paix qui établissait un gouvernement de transition assurant un partage du pouvoir et qui comprenait un engagement des différentes parties à démobiliser une partie de leurs troupes et à intégrer le reste dans une armée unifiée. Après quelques délais, les premières élections démocratiques ont eu lieu en 2006.

La nouvelle constitution précise que "les forces armées sont républicaines. Elles sont au service de la nation tout entière." Selon le Professeur Mwayila Tshiyembe, un spécialiste congolais des affaires internationales et militaires, la notion que l'armée ne protège pas seulement le gouvernement, mais doit "défendre la démocratie" et "assurer la sécurité des personnes et des biens," est l'idée la plus novatrice qui soit née des accords de paix.

Malheureusement, pendant la période de transition, les luttes entre factions ont mené celles-ci à exagérer le nombre de leurs troupes et à présenter des chiffres qui étaient souvent fictifs. Les contrôles effectués par des conseillers militaires sud-africains et européens ont par la suite éliminé 130 000 "soldats-fantômes" sur les 340 000 initialement portés aux tableaux d'effectifs. Quelque 75 000 soldats bien réels ont ensuite également été démobilisés.

Plus sérieux, il y a eu très peu de filtrage de ces nouvelles troupes. Elles comprenaient des chefs de factions soupçonnés de crimes de guerre dont les comportements antérieurs ont fait leur réapparition dans la nouvelle armée.

Une 'intégration' vacillante

La création de structures unifiées pour la nouvelle armée s'est révélée particulièrement difficile. En théorie, elle devait se composer de 18 nouvelles brigades "intégrées" dans lesquelles les troupes de différentes factions devaient être regroupées, recevoir un nouvel entraînement pour être ensuite déployées dans des zones éloignées de leurs régions d'origine. Ce processus, baptisé "brassage", était destiné à rompre les anciennes hiérarchies de commandement et à inspirer la loyauté envers la nouvelle armée nationale.

Le Général Gabriel Amisi, Commandant-en-chef de l'armée de terre, a déclaré à ses troupes rassemblées en août 2008 qu'elles devaient accepter leur affectation à l'extérieur de leurs régions d'origine, "Il n'existe pas des soldats du Katanga ni de soldats du Kivu. Vous êtes tous des militaires des l'armée nationale", a-t-il ajouté.

Mais certains ne partageaient pas ce point de vue, surtout dans l'est du pays. Le Général Laurent Nkunda, un protagoniste de la guerre civile, a d'abord intégré ses troupes dans l'armée nationale, mais a résisté à leur intégration totale ou à leur déploiement dans d'autres régions. Il a proclamé qu'elles devaient rester dans le Nord et le Sud Kivu afin de protéger son groupe ethnique. Les tensions se ravivant, les troupes loyales au Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) du Général Nkunda ont déserté leur brigade "intégrée" en 2006 et ont repris la lutte armée, y compris contre les forces gouvernementales.

Ayant ces incidents à l'esprit, le Général d'armée Babacar Gaye, Commandant des forces de la Mission de l'ONU en RDC (MONUC) expliquait en 2007 à Afrique Renouveau que la décision prise lors des pourparlers de paix de regrouper les différents groupes dans une armée unique "était vraiment une bonne idée " pour mettre fin au conflit, "mais malheureusement cela n'a pas donné une bonne armée."

En octobre 2008, les heurts entre l'armée nationale et les troupes du CNDP du Général Nkunda ont dégénéré en graves confrontations. Certaines unités de l'armée congolaise se sont rapidement effritées, et seul un déploiement rapide des Casques bleus de la MONUC a empêché les combattants du Général Nkunda de prendre Goma, la capitale du Nord Kivu.

Le Général Nkunda a été arrêté à la fin janvier au Rwanda, arrestation qui a ouvert la voie à un cessez-le-feu. Le gouvernement a entrepris des négociations avec les forces restantes du CNDP afin de les intégrer dans l'armée. Le père Apollinaire Malumalu, un médiateur congolais bien connu, s'est félicité de cette intégration qui représente potentiellement un pas vers la paix, mais il a aussi souligné l'importance d'accorder la priorité à la protection des civils."

Le Secrétaire général de l'ONU en visite dans l'est du Congo début mars a aussi appelé à la vigilance. Il a averti que ceux qui sont accusés de viols ou de violences sexuelles dans les groupes armés ou dans les forces de sécurité "ne devraient pas être intégrés dans l'armée nationale ou dans la police nationale."

Pendant ce temps, les instructeurs de la MONUC et d'autres spécialistes ont accéléré la professionnalisation des brigades intégrées de l'armée et amélioré la discipline dans les rangs de la police nationale. Des centaines d'officiers ont été formés aux relations entre civils et militaires et à la lutte contre la violence sexuelle. Pour améliorer quelque peu l'image de l'armée, des centaines de soldats du génie ont été mobilisés sur des chantiers de reconstruction pour réparer des routes, des ponts et d'autres infrastructures essentielles.

Les violences exercées par les troupes gouvernementales pendant les combats au Kivu ont aussi été rapidement sanctionnées. Un certain nombre de soldats et d'officiers ont été jugés et condamnés par des cours martiales, quelques-uns à la prison à vie. Le procureur militaire de Goma a annoncé en décembre 2008 qu'environ 400 hommes étaient détenus et en instance de jugement. D'autres poursuites ont été engagées dans d'autres régions du pays, entre autres contre des officiers accusés de détournement de fonds.

Au cours d'un séminaire sur la réforme de la police et de l'armée tenu en janvier, le Ministre de la justice Luzolo Bambi Lessa a insisté sur la nécessité de renforcer la hiérarchie de commandement ainsi que les tribunaux militaires pour pouvoir "éradiquer rapidement les tares de la corruption, du détournement des fonds de l'Etat, des violences sexuelles et des violences exercées sur les populations civiles vulnérables." La police nationale congolaise a adopté une déclaration d'intention qui l'engage à protéger les droits de l'homme et à sanctionner tout membre de la police coupable d'abus de pouvoir ou de violence.

Le Libéria : une armée réduite et professionnelle

Comme la RDC, le Libéria a souffert des années de dévastation dans une guerre qui a opposé entre elles de nombreuses factions armées. Comme au Congo, des négociations entre les parties au conflit ont abouti en 2003 à la mise en place d'un gouvernement de transition dans lequel la plupart des principaux groupes armés étaient représentés.

Mais une différence fondamentale existe : les accords de paix ne demandaient pas la fusion des groupes existants dans une armée nationale unique, mais plutôt la création de forces armées entièrement nouvelles. Les Etats-Unis ont été sollicités pour "jouer le rôle principal" dans la formation de la nouvelle armée, les Casques bleus de la Mission de l'ONU au Libéria (MINUL) se chargeant de la réorganisation et de la réforme de la police nationale.

La création de la nouvelle armée n'a commencé en réalité qu'en 2006, à la suite des élections démocratiques qui ont remplacé le gouvernement de transition et de coalition par celui dirigé par la Présidente Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf. A cette date, plus de 100 000 combattants des anciennes factions avaient été désarmés et démobilisés dans le cadre du programme dirigé par la MINUL. On prévoyait la démobilisation de plus de 14 000 autres militaires de l'ancienne armée nationale et du Ministère de la défense.

Les accords de paix stipulaient que les soldats de la nouvelle armée libérienne "pouvaient être sélectionnés parmi" les anciens groupes armés, mais sur une base individuelle et uniquement s'ils étaient qualifiés. Quand le recrutement a commencé en janvier 2006, plus de 12 000 Libériens se sont présentés - pour constituer une force limitée à juste 2 000 soldats.

"Lorsqu'elles sont mal formées, sous-équipées, mal gérées et irrégulièrement payées, les forces de sécurité contribuent souvent à l'insécurité en se rendant coupables de graves violations des droits de l'homme."

- M. Ban Ki-moon, Secrétaire général de l'ONU

Les critères de sélection ont été très rigoureux. Pour être retenus, les candidats ne devaient pas seulement être en bonne forme physique mais aussi avoir au moins 12 années de scolarité. Des commissions de sélection ont passé au crible toutes les candidatures, éliminant tous ceux qui avaient été impliqués dans des violations des droits de l'homme. Les recruteurs se sont déplacés jusqu'aux villages d'origine des candidats pour vérifier leurs informations et encourager la population à les renseigner sur leur passé. Finalement, trois quarts des candidats ont été refusés. D'autres n'ont pas dépassé le stade de l'entraînement de base.

Les recruteurs ont aussi cherché à obtenir un certain équilibre ethnique et géographique, par contraste avec les anciennes forces armées qui favorisaient souvent un groupe ou l'autre. Le gouvernement espérait que 20 % des nouvelles recrues seraient des femmes, mais n'a pas pu obtenir assez de candidates - le pourcentage de femmes est actuellement d'environ 5 %.

Transparence et contrôle local

Bien que de nombreux Libériens applaudissent l'idée de construire une armée professionnelle qui ne s'attaque pas à la population civile, certains aspects de l'initiative ont provoqué une controverse. Certains analystes en sécurité ont émis des doutes sur la décision de mettre sur pied une armée limitée à 2 000 soldats. Cela peut suffire à court terme pendant que la MINUL continue à assurer une sécurité minimale, mais qu'arrivera-t-il quand les Casques bleus partiront ? Cette force sera-t-elle à même de faire face à une nouvelle insurrection et suffira-t-elle à contrôler les frontières du Libéria, dans une région qui a connu de nombreuses guerres et de multiples conflits ?

Selon Thomas Jaye, chercheur principal à KAIPTC qui a préparé un document d'évaluation pour la Commission de réforme de la gouvernance du Libéria, "la décision de former 2 000 soldats pour l'armée a été influencée par l'aspect financier et non par une quelconque évaluation des menaces potentielles." A l'ASDR, le Général Colman, parlant plus généralement des initiatives de réforme des systèmes de sécurité inspirées par les bailleurs de fonds, affirme : "Ils veulent la sécurité, mais seulement à bon marché."

La décision du gouvernement des Etats-Unis de sous-traiter la formation de la nouvelle armée à deux entreprises de sécurité américaines privées a aussi provoqué des critiques, en partie parce que les détails de ces contrats restent confidentiels. La Présidente Johnson-Sirleaf a déclaré devant des chercheurs de l'International Crisis Group, un laboratoire d'idées non gouvernemental de Bruxelles : "beaucoup d'argent a été dépensé. Nous ne savons pas sur quoi. Il n'y a tout simplement pas assez de transparence dans la manière dont cet argent est dépensé."

Certains dénoncent aussi l'absence de consultations publiques qui aideraient à connaître l'opinion des Libériens sur le type d'organes de sécurité qu'ils souhaiteraient. La Commission de réforme de la gouvernance qui conseille le gouvernement sur les grandes initiatives de réforme a exprimé des inquiétudes concernant "l'absence de participation de la société civile et de la législature nationale dans le processus de réforme du système de sécurité."

Amos Sawyer, l'ancien président par intérim qui dirige la commission, note que la formation technique, quelle que soit son efficacité, ne fera pas naître à elle seule le genre d'armée dont le Libéria a besoin. Il rappelle que "tous les groupes armés qui ont pillé le Libéria au cours des 25 dernières années" disposaient de troupes formées par des conseillers américains. Le vrai problème était politique. Pour assurer que la nouvelle armée et les autres institutions sont effectivement contrôlées par les autorités politiques et sont au service des intérêts de la nation, sa commission exige que les efforts de RSS aient un caractère plus national.

Elargir le débat

C'est une question qui se pose bien au-delà des frontières du Libéria. Les promoteurs de la réforme partagent généralement l'avis que de larges consultations nationales devraient contribuer à orienter celle-ci et à obtenir le soutien de la population pour ces programmes. Mais dans les conditions difficiles qui règnent habituellement après un conflit armé, quand les nouveaux gouvernements s'efforcent de reprendre les choses en main et de faire face aux nombreux défis économiques et sociaux de la reconstruction, les débats publics sur la réforme de l'armée et de la police ont été rares.

Les avocats de la RSS affirment que les responsables politiques et les militaires africains devraient accepter que le public ait un droit de regard sur les dispositifs de sécurité. Le Général Coleman de l'ASDR conseille également aux organisations de la société civile africaine de s'engager activement, " la société civile a un rôle essentiel à jouer", dit-il. Mais il ajoute que pour éviter de provoquer des ressentiments, ils doivent agir avec un peu de tact "sans se montrer trop exigeants envers le gouvernement et sans apparaître comme l'instrument d'une agence [de bailleurs de fonds] extérieure."

L'ONU, qui travaille à mieux coordonner son propre soutien aux efforts de RSS en Afrique et dans d'autres régions du monde, cherche à favoriser les consultations les plus larges. "Les modèles de RSS sont trop souvent imposés par des acteurs extérieurs", explique le Secrétaire général adjoint Dmitry Titov, qui dirige le département des opérations de maintien de la paix au sein du Bureau de l'Etat de droit et des institutions chargées de la sécurité. "Ne devrions-nous pas nous concentrer sur les bénéficiaires ultimes de la RSS, c'est-à-dire la population, les sociétés et les gouvernements menacés par l'insécurité ? Est-ce que ça ne devrait pas être leurs ambitions et leur vision qui guident les efforts de RSS ?"

L'Afrique doit elle-même prendre l'initiative de manière plus audacieuse, insiste le Général Martin Agwai, un officier nigérian qui a servi comme Commandant-adjoint de la mission de maintien de la paix de l'ONU en Sierra Leone. "Les pays africains doivent s'imposer et accepter de saisir la torche de la responsabilité pour transformer leurs propres secteurs de la sécurité, soutenait-il en 2003. Les Africains doivent relancer ce processus eux-mêmes et l'aide du reste de la communauté internationale suivra."

SANDF man falls victim to trigger-happy thugs

SOUTH African Police Service members in Mahwelereng, Limpopo, are living in fear after the killing of a colleague by thugs in a shootout that left another officer fighting for his life.

The incident happened near Mokopane on Monday.

Police spokesperson Superintendent Ronel Otto said two constables from the Mahwelereng police station were patrolling when they noticed a suspicious-looking car – a Toyota Corolla – at a filling station in the area. The car had allegedly been hijacked in Mahwelereng on Sunday.

The officers approached the two occupants of the car. While they were talking to the men another man in a Nissan bakkie behind them allegedly started shooting at the officers.

“One of the police officers was shot in the chest and neck and died on the scene.”

Otto identified the dead officer as Constable RJ Sithomola, 27. His colleague, Constable MJ Kekana was shot in the stomach. He is in the intensive care unit at an unidentified hospital.

Otto said police were hunting down the four men believed to have attacked the officers. No arrests had been made yet.

A source told Sowetan yesterday that the Corolla, which was used by the men, belonged to a member of the South African National Defence Force who was killed in the area, allegedly by the same men on Sunday.

Another officer at the station, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said they were now living in fear.

“We need protection because the manner in which our members are dying at the hands of the thugs is worrisome,” the officer said.

Otto said provincial police commissioner Calvin Sengani had expressed his condolences to the family of the deceased and also wished the surviving member a speedy recovery.

Sengani stressed that police would not rest until the suspects were arrested.

C'est une offensive à la somalienne, et elle a lieu, à nouveau, en pleine ville. Meurtrière, sans être clairement décisive. Impitoyable pour tous, à commencer par les passants. Marquée par les sons distinctifs de la guerre à Mogadiscio. Détonations sourdes des mortiers, rafales en hoquets des armes anti-aériennes montées sur des véhicules (baptisés " technicals "), tirs idiots des miliciens, qui, regards comme des lames et bouches verdies par le khât, profitent de l'occasion pour arracher de l'argent aux rares voyageurs de l'intérieur de la capitale.

Depuis la veille, les combats ont repris entre d'un côté les forces du Gouvernement fédéral de transition (TFG), quasiment étouffées depuis début mai dans un réduit coincé en bord de mer, ne tenant que grâce à la protection de la mission de l'Union africaine (Amisom), et de l'autre, une coalition de groupes insurgés disséminés dans des quartiers de plus en plus déserts, frappés par l'artillerie de tous les camps, mais étendant leur zone d'opération à la plus grande partie de Mogadiscio.

Pour ceux qui avaient imaginé que ces groupes islamistes (Al-Chabab, Hizbul Islam et, vers le sud, Jabha Al-Islamiya) se perdaient dans leurs divisions et la supposée faiblesse de leur organisation, voilà une contradiction cinglante, administrée sous la forme d'une journée de violence pure. Dans le nord, le combat de rue domine. Une vague d'attaques déclenchée la veille frappe plusieurs quartiers, dont Yaqchid, peu à peu détruit par les différentes offensives qui s'y sont succédé depuis 2007. Le secteur se trouve à la frontière des zones sous contrôle des insurgés et de celles peuplées par le clan des Abgal, dont les leaders soutiennent le Gouvernement fédéral de transition. A Mogadiscio, les motifs religieux dissimulent souvent des raisons foncièrement politiques. Cette fois, ils ravivent aussi des clivages claniques qui s'étaient estompés.

Au gré des percées et des reculs, les affrontements semblent relever d'une partie d'échecs aux règles faussées et impénétrables. Dimanche, les insurgés avançaient dans Yaqchid, à coup de charges furieuses, de tirs de mortiers et de canons sans recul, emmenés par le commandant chabab " Kabakutokari ", qui a la particularité d'être du clan Abgal, comme l'ennemi en face. Les miliciens du groupe Al-Chabab (la jeunesse) ont fait du dépassement des fidélités au clan une de leurs spécialités, afin de démontrer que leur foi prévaut sur ces considérations.

Dans la première phase de combat, le poste de police de Yaqchid, à valeur essentiellement symbolique, était pris. Lundi 1er juin, les forces du TFG appuyées par des miliciens Abgal emmenés par d'ex-chefs de guerre qui font leur retour à Mogadiscio, montaient une contre-offensive, et reprenaient le bâtiment. Quelques heures plus tard, il changeait à nouveau de mains et, à la nuit, le Hizbul Islam s'en proclamait le maître.

L'association Elman, une organisation non gouvernementale somalienne qui a des sympathies pour les insurgés, affirmait, lundi soir, que 38 personnes avaient été tuées depuis samedi. Un bilan sans doute exagéré, mais au même moment, les trois principaux hôpitaux de la ville avaient reçu entre quarante-trois et quatre-vingt-dix blessés, selon les sources. Civils pour la plupart, les derniers à demeurer encore dans les zones où évoluent les insurgés, alors que Mogadiscio se vide dans les régions voisines. Coincés dans Yaqchid ou ses environs, des femmes et des enfants, joints par téléphone, lundi soir, par les radios de la capitale, lançaient de déchirants appels à l'aide sur fond de puissantes détonations. Ils vivent depuis vingt-quatre heures au milieu des obus, sans eau, sans nourriture.

A l'hôpital de Madina, au sud, le directeur, Mohammed Ali Yusuf, disait se " préparer au pire ", en recevant les premiers blessés, espérant que les affrontements, qui menacent aussi dans son quartier " n'entreraient pas à l'hôpital ", mais affirmait : " Si on reçoit cinq cents patients, on les soignera ", quitte à les installer à l'extérieur, sur de simples matelas, l'hôpital ne disposant que de 80 lits.

Pendant ce temps, d'autres groupes insurgés continuent de se déployer plus au sud, de plus en plus près de la présidence, Villa Somalia, entrelacs de grands bâtiments vides, écornés par les tirs des mortiers insurgés, et de petites maisons où le gouvernement continue de travailler dans des pièces aux fenêtres condamnées.

Dans l'une de ces maisons, le ministre de l'information, nommé à ce poste après vingt ans passés en exil, disait lundi, en fin de matinée, sa conviction de voir triompher bientôt les forces du TFG : " Nous passons une période difficile, mais nous nous organisons, à Mogadiscio et dans le reste du pays. " En quittant ce rendez-vous, nous nous trouvions sur l'unique artère contrôlée par le TFG, Maka Al-Mukarama, reliant Villa Somalia à l'aéroport. Un pick-up de la police roulait à nos côtés, chargée d'hommes. Nous décidions de mettre les gaz, pour nous éloigner d'une voiture qui est, typiquement, une cible pour les attentats. Bien nous en a pris.

Deux voitures garées sur le bas côté de la route défoncée démarraient lentement, se collaient derrière le véhicule de la police, puis le dépassaient. Selon des témoins, les passagers de ces voitures auraient ensuite déposé un engin explosif improvisé (IED) sur la route, avant de disparaître. Parvenue à ce niveau, la voiture de la police a sauté. Cinq de ses occupants ont été tués, dont les responsables de la sécurité pour cette partie de Mogadiscio, ainsi que cinq passants, fauchés par les boulons et les clous enfermés contenus dans la machine infernale.

C'est l'autre visage de l'insurrection à Mogadiscio. Assassinats menés en pleine zone " gouvernementale ", ou ailleurs, et surtout, explosions d'IED. Sur les explosifs, Rocky Van Blerk est l'homme de la situation. Sa société, Bancroft Global, a été choisie pour appuyer l'Amisom dans la détection des engins explosifs télécommandés. Avec une poignée d'ex-combattants de l'armée sud-africaine, rangés des combats en Afrique australe lorsque le pouvoir blanc s'est effondré, et qui vivent cachés à Mogadiscio, ils entraînent des chiens à détecter les explosifs, et vont déminer les routes.

A Mogadiscio, la technologie des IED progresse à grands pas. Les explosions étaient déclenchées avec un fil, de taille limitée par définition. Les soldats gouvernementaux, le sachant, avaient pris l'habitude, en cas d'attentat, de mitrailler à l'aveuglette tout le secteur, faisant des carnages. Puis vinrent les déclencheurs avec des télécommandes de télévision, à portée limitée, puis finalement les systèmes liés aux téléphones portables, faisant exploser des mélanges de poudre, de TNT et d'engrais, projetant des éclats de métal. " La technique est venue d'Irak. Ensuite, elle est apparue en Afghanistan et à présent, elle est ici, avec des adaptations locales en fonction des matériaux disponibles. " Un commerçant du marché de Bakara, tenu par les insurgés, s'étonnait ainsi, raconte-t-il, de voir il y a quelques semaines " des jeunes gens acheter sans négocier des grosses quantités de déchets de métal, et payer avec des dollars neufs ".

The MSDS is aimed at rejuvenating the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), providing it with scarce skills as well as serving as a feeder system for the Defence Reserves.

The MSDS gives youngsters, who achieved good marks in school but have been unable to further their studies at tertiary institutions or had to drop out due to financial constraints, a chance in life.

The week-long selection process, which started on Monday for invited candidates, is taking place in the Eastern Cape, Mpumalanga and KwaZulu-Natal provinces.

Successful candidates in KwaZulu-Natal started with their selection process at the South African Infantry Battalion (SAI Bn), Mtubatuba on Monday.

In Mpumalanga applicants are being screened at the Nelspruit Military Base, and in the Eastern Cape, MSDS candidates are currently battling it out at 14 SAI Bn in Umthatha.

Applicants, who received letters inviting them to attend the selection processes, are requested to ensure that they report on the dates as indicated for their relevant Arm of Service e.g. SA Army, SA Air Force, SA Navy and the SA Military Health Service.

Candidates are reminded to bring along the letter of invitation for the selection process, two certified copies of ID document and certified copy of Grade 12 certificate (those currently in Grade 12 should bring a certified copy of their Grade 11 results.

The number of recruits in the programme, which has been running since 2002, is influenced by budgetary restraints.

The recruits sign an initial two-year contract, after which they will be considered for further service in the permanent force.

L’écrasante victoire du Congrès national africain (African National Congress, ANC) aux élections générales du printemps dernier et la personnalité controversée du nouveau président Jacob Zuma ont provoqué des réactions qui flirtaient parfois avec le racisme le plus banal. Trois livres peuvent aider à y voir plus clair et à mieux mesurer l’ampleur des défis à relever par le gouvernement.

Andrew Feinstein plonge, dans un ouvrage tiré de son expérience de député ANC (1), au cœur de l’affaire des ventes d’armes, une sordide affaire de corruption qui a pourri le climat politique sud-africain dès 1998 et dans laquelle fut impliqué M. Zuma. La décision de moderniser l’équipement de l’armée sud-africaine — alors que les électeurs espéraient voir le nouveau gouvernement se concentrer sur la politique sociale — a déchiré les rangs du parti. L’incompréhension puis la volonté de faire la lumière sur les achats extravagants de corvettes, d’avions, etc., ont conduit Feinstein, responsable de la commission d’enquête parlementaire, à mettre au grand jour les luttes de pouvoir et la cupidité de nombre de ses camarades. Il apparaît à la lecture de « l’histoire qui devait être racontée », récit personnel à la fois déchirant et palpitant, que M. Zuma n’est qu’un maillon d’une longue chaîne de dysfonctionnements au sein du mouvement de libération et que la confusion entre le parti et l’Etat peut conduire à la catastrophe.

Paul Holden a choisi de raconter la même histoire peu ragoûtante de corruption sur un ton plus enjoué (2). Suivant une chronologie rigoureuse, avec des pages récapitulatives à la fin de chaque chapitre, un index des multiples personnages mêlés à l’affaire, l’ouvrage offre au lecteur une perspective sidérante sur la corruption qui a ravagé le gouvernement de M. Thabo Mbeki et nuance le jugement porté sur M. Zuma : ni mieux ni pire que beaucoup d’autres. Feinstein et Holden ne manquent pas non plus de souligner le rôle des corrupteurs, les grandes entreprises d’armement, Thales et ses filiales sud-africaines, Thyssen Krupp, British Aerospace, SAAB, que l’on retrouve toujours quand il s’agit de vendre du matériel militaire.

De son côté, Ben Turok, vieux militant de l’ANC, parlementaire et professeur d’économie, analyse les vicissitudes de son parti dans ses choix économiques (3). De la Charte des libertés, en passant par le Programme de reconstruction et de développement et le programme Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR, « croissance, emploi et redistribution »), la politique néolibérale du président Mbeki, le livre décrypte les différentes stratégies qui n’ont pas réussi à sortir la grande masse de la population noire de la pauvreté. Il rappelle aussi opportunément que l’ANC est parvenu au pouvoir par des négociations difficiles qui l’ont obligé à faire des compromis avec le capitalisme blanc sud-africain. A un Etat-providence qui permet aux plus pauvres de ne pas mourir de faim, il oppose une politique de « développement » qui donnerait à chacun un véritable emploi, seule option pour lutter contre la pauvreté et faire que chaque citoyen contribue activement à l’essor du pays. La conférence de Polokwane de l’ANC, en décembre 2007, où chacun a pu exprimer ses préoccupations, marquera-t-elle un tournant dans la politique économique du parti ? L’auteur l’espère, mais une telle évolution repose sur le nouveau gouvernement issu des élections d’avril 2009.

(1) Andrew Feinstein, After the Party : A Personal and Political Journey Inside the ANC, Jonathan Ball Publishers, Jeppestown (Afrique du Sud), 2007, 288 pages, 14,95 livres sterling.

(2) Paul Holden, The Arms Deal in Your Pocket, Jonathan Ball Publishers, 2008, 376 pages, 13,95 livres sterling.

(3) Ben Turok, The Evolution of the ANC Economic Policy, Institute for African Alternatives - The Africa Institute, Le Cap, 2008, 228 pages, 13,95 livres sterling.