Mon séjour en Afrique du Sud (Cape Town)

Corporal Ben, Benjamin Titus, 34, was on duty at the water point, about three kilometres from Kutum base in Sudan, with other members of his unit.

At approximately 6pm (local time), two unknown men approached the soliders and opened fire on them.

Corporal Titus was hit and died instantly, while another soldier was also shot and injured.

The injured soldier has been transferred to the United Nations Hospital at Al Fasher and is in a serious but stable condition.

The situation around the base is being closely monitored.

Corporal Titus was based at 10 South African Infantry Battalion, Mafikeng, and was deployed in Sudan as a member of the United Nations/African Union Mission in Darfur.

He is survived by his wife, Belinda Titus.

A South African soldier was killed in a gunfight in Sudan yesterday while another one was seriously injured.

Corporal Benjamin Titus (34) – along with fellow troops from 10 South African Infantry Battalion, in Mafikeng, North West – was stationed at a water point near Kutum base when they were attacked on Wednesday night. Titus, a member of the SA contingent of the Darfur peacekeeping force, was guarding a well with eight others. It is possible that there only two assailants in the surprise attack.

A female SA soldier was wounded. She is in a stable condition in a military hospital in El Fasher, said Noureddine Mezni, spokesperson of the Unamid peacekeeping force.

Military sources in Khartoum were adamant that it was an “isolated incident”, and not part of a wider military offensive.

Sources in Darfur involved in UN projects said yesterday the morale of the SA peacekeepers was quite low. Unamid is supposed to have a staff of 26 000, but so far only 11 000 have been deployed.

SANDF chief, General Godfrey Ngwenya, said a board of inquiry has been established to investigate the circumstances surrounding the shooting.

An inquiry will be conducted after gunmen killed a South African soldier and wounded another in Darfur, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) said on Thursday.

"SANDF Chief, General Godfrey Ngwenya, has ordered that a Board of Inquiry be convened to investigate the circumstances surrounding this incident," said spokesman Brigadier General Kwena Mangope.

Unknown gunmen opened fire on a group of soldiers while they were on duty at water point about three kilometres from the Kutum base in Sudan.

They killed Corporal Benjamin Titus, 34, and seriously wounded a female soldier.

"Titus was hit and died instantly, while another soldier was also shot and injured... we are not sure on which parts of their body they were shot."

Mangope said details surrounding the incident were still sketchy but the situation around the base was being closely monitored.

The injured soldier was transferred to the United Nations Hospital at Al Fasher and was in a serious but stable condition.

Titus was based at 10 South African Infantry Battalion, Mafikeng, and was deployed to Sudan as a member of the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur.

Minister of Defence Charles Nqakula has extended sympathies to his family. Titus is survived by his wife Belinda.

The Democratic Alliance on Tuesday released its social development policy, which aims to break the cycle of poverty by extending opportunities to all South Africans.

Briefing the media at Parliament, DA leader Helen Zille said, to ensure that children living in poverty benefited from a child support grant, the legal guardian of a child would have to demonstrate that he or she had brought the child into a clinic for regular health check-ups, ensured that the child had received all his or her vaccinations, and made sure that the child had attended school at least 85 percent of the time.

If the mother of a child was below the age of 18, the grant would go to the legal guardian of the mother until the mother turned 18.

To assist young adults, the DA would implement a system whereby South African citizens aged between 16 and 24 would be able to register to perform voluntary community service.

The state would provide opportunities for 300,000 young people a year to perform this service for a 12-month period to acquire marketable skills.

Young people with appropriate backgrounds and skills would be encouraged to volunteer in the SA Police Service (SAPS) or SA National Defence Force (SANDF) for a period of one year, in non-combative roles.

"We will also implement a Youth Development Programme to empower unemployed youth at risk of falling into crime," Zille said.

In addition to general life-skills and financial literacy, participants would receive on the-job-learning.

They would leave the programme with a credible employer reference and essential work experience.

A DA government would also provide an opportunity voucher (to a maximum of R6000) to any young person who successfully completed matric, voluntary community service or the Youth Development Programme.

The voucher could be used to fund further education or as start-up capital for a small business.

To assist adults who currently fell through the social security safety net, the DA would introduce a basic income grant of R110 a month for all South Africans earning below R46,000 a year, and who did not receive any other state grant.

Regarding the elderly, the DA would implement measures that provided the opportunity for all working South Africans (and ultimately all South Africans) to have a sustainable pension on retirement.

"We will abolish the expensive and impractical means test for the state old age pension and provide a universal old age pension for all South Africans."

Zille said these proposals had been formulated on the basis of interactions with stakeholders in civil society, and had been carefully costed.

"They put paid to the idea -- punted by the ANC -- that the DA is a party for the middle-class.

"Our ongoing policy review also contradicts [ANC president] Jacob Zuma's claim that the opposition has no workable alternative policies.

"I intend sending this policy, and the others that the DA has released thus far, to Mr Zuma, and challenging him to a series of policy debates ahead of the next election," Zille said.

Eradicating poverty had to be the number one priority for government, but transfers from the state would never eradicate poverty in a developing country.

The only way to eradicate poverty was through sustained job-creating economic growth and a significantly improved education system.

"This is the focus of the DA's policies. If we are to take poverty eradication seriously, we need an approach that gives people the support they require to take responsibility for their own lives.

"For the DA, welfare is a hand-up, not a hand-out. It is designed to lift people out of poverty in the long term, not just alleviate it in the short term," Zille said.

DENEL Creating defence systems capabilities Denel is a manufacturer of defence equipment. It operates in the military aerospace, industrial and landward defence environment. It was incorporated as a private company in 1992 following the split of Armscor's manufacturing subsidiaries. The company's sole shareholder is government, through the minister of public enterprise. The minister carries the responsibility of appointing an independent board of directors, who oversee the executive management team, which is responsible for the day-to-day management of the company.

Denel operates as a defence contractor in the domestic market and a key supplier to the SA National Defence Force (SANDF), as original equipment manufacturer. It also does overhauling, maintenance, repairs, refurbishments and the upgrading of equipment in the SANDF's arsenal. Denel supplies systems and consumables to end users as well as subsystems and components to its industrial client base. The manufacturer also has a number of partnerships, joint ventures and co-operation agreements with international players in the defence industry. Denel also operates a number of specialised business entities in which it holds all or the majority of shares, and these include: Denel Aviation is a military maintenance repair and overhaul business, which is also a strategic partner to the SA Airforce.

Denel Dynamics focuses on missiles and unnamed aerial vehicles or UAVs. In 2007 it absorbed the Denel Intergrated Systems Solutions, the unit responsible for the ground based air defence system programme.

Denel Saab Aerostructures manufactures and assembles composite and metallic aircraft subsystem structures in co-operation with aircraft suppliers such as Airbus, Boeing, Saab and Agusta Westland. Denel Land Systems is a landward defence systems solutions business, primarily focused on the provision of products to the SANDF. It also serves international customers as a system integrator and subsystem supplier.

Denel Munitions is a producer of ammunition and associated chemical products. Its product portfolio ranges from small, medium and large calibre to military and commercial ammunition.

Mechem provides landmine removal, battle area clearance and contraband detection services to commercial clients. OTB, a missile and aircraft test range that specialises in performance management of in flight systems.

FROM THE ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT

RISK RATINGS       Current Current Previous Previous
                   Rating  Score   Rating   Score
Overall assessment C       43      C        43
Security risk      C       46      C        46
Note: E=most risky; 100=most risky.

SUMMARY

Violent crime is a major problem, and remains a serious concern for businesses and individuals. South Africa heads a number of international cross-country comparisons of crime, such as the number of murders per capita. Much of the crime is gratuitous: victims are often shot during a simple robbery, with no apparent motive. Car-jacking is also a major concern both in urban areas and when driving between cities. The security industry in South Africa is well-developed, and many foreign firms employ sophisticated monitoring and alarm systems. Aside from crime, there are few other major security risks in the country. South Africa is not engaged in armed conflict with any of its neighbours, and has no active secessionist movements.

SCENARIOS

Executives fall victim to violent crime

V High likelihood; V High impact; Intensity =25

The crime rate in South Africa has risen to high levels in recent years, and violent crimes against both expatriates and local residents are a major problem. The crime problem is exacerbated by poverty levels which run along racial lines. Although the government has stepped up its efforts to improve the country’s security environment, which also includes international assistance, progress to date has been slow. Many in the police are inexperienced, poorly trained and corrupt; the institution itself cannot be relied upon to enforce the law adequately and to protect the public. As a result, expatriates are strongly advised to take the necessary security precautions at home and at work. For instance, the use of electric fences and gates, high walls, and installation of security alarms, which are directly connected to private security companies with their own rapid response teams, are some of the measures available to both expatriates and local residents. Other measures for residential properties include security gates that separate sleeping and living areas; burglars are thereby restricted to areas of a house with obvious material possessions to steal, limiting the chance of a violent encounter with residents. Some expatriates may wish to rent houses in a guarded compound, an increasingly attractive option. Businesses should consider using video surveillance systems to identify criminals.

Executives are subject to crime while using the country’s motorways

V High likelihood; V High impact; Intensity =25

Car-jackings in South Africa are common and doors should be locked at all times when driving. The motorways are favoured targets: drivers, especially in remote areas, should never stop at accidents, which are often staged to carry out robberies. Companies should advise staff of “no-go" areas in major towns. It is advisable not to stop at red lights at certain notorious road junctions late at night (consult with a local security agency for locations). Businesses and individuals may also wish to install remote tracking devices in cars. Companies should implement appropriate training programmes for their staff on how best to react in a robbery or a car hijacking, and on how to avoid confrontation and violence.

Government will do more to tackle crime and security

Moderate likelihood; Moderate impact; Intensity =9

Critics of the government's allegedly weak crime policies kept up the pressure in March with simultaneous anti-crime rallies in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban--led by the Victims in the Republic of South Africa (Virsa)--which attracted several thousand people, accompanied by the collection of a 200,000- signature (and rising) petition calling for firmer official action against insecurity. At the very least, it is positive that the government no longer views the crime debate as an irritant but as a serious policy issue. Citing overall crime statistics, Mr Mbeki pointed to steady improvement in crime levels, but closer analysis shows that violent crimes against the person have increased and official targets are nowhere near to being met. Both South Africans and foreign visitors are uneasy, with a recent tourism industry survey pointing to tens of thousands of potential visitors being deterred by the levels of crime. Unluckily for the president, his January comments coincided with the killing of several prominent people--including a famous historian, David Rattray (shot during an armed burglary) and, somewhat ironically, a leader of the Business Against Crime movement, Alan MacKenzie. These and other killings have sparked widespread shock. Moreover, the crime issue has expanded from being linked to the "white" racial group--after all, most victims of violent crime are black. Some data show that South Africa has the third-worst crime rate in the world, approximately 50 times worse than that of the UK and 13 times worse than that of the US. Mindful of the need to show a commitment to tackling crime in the build-up to the 2010 football World Cup, some progress is expected to be made, but will not be made overnight.

Mob attacks against immigrants dents business confidence

Low likelihood; Low impact; Intensity =4

The wave of violence that swept through South Africa's Gauteng townships in May left at least 42 people dead, more than 200 injured and approximately 15,000 homeless. The main victims of the attacks by violent mobs—which have been on a scale not seen for many years—were poor Zimbabweans, whose numbers have swelled enormously owing to the ongoing political crisis in Zimbabwe, although a number of other African nationalities have also been affected. The Mozambican authorities, for example, estimate that more than 10,000 of their citizens fled the violence in just one week. The root causes of the problems are clear enough. There are probably more than more than 3m immigrants—and this is putting pressure on already scarce housing, jobs and public services, especially as immigrants are often prepared to accept lower wages than local workers. The escalation in food prices is compounding the problem. Immigrants are also being blamed for rising crime and insecurity, and a range of other social ills. The attacks have been largely indiscriminate: they have affected both legal and illegal migrants, and long- and short-term residents alike. The scale and speed of the violence shocked business, especially as the troubles spread (temporarily) to the central district in Johannesburg, where some streets were barricaded and shops looted. For the moment, the security forces have managed to defuse the situation and prevented the crisis from spreading to other parts of the country. Companies are advised to avoid potentially "problem" areas. For instance, Durban and wider KwaZulu/Natal, which has a large ethnic Indian population, is particularly vulnerable to a new wave of communal strife, although the only targets to date have been other black Africans.

BACKGROUND

(Updated: May 16th, 2008)

Armed Conflict

There is currently little prospect of an external threat to South Africa's security. The challenge for the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) in recent years has been to integrate the former liberation movements while reducing its own manpower. As there is no foreign threat to South Africa, the future role of the SANDF is likely to be restricted to regional peacekeeping and emergency relief operations.

Terrorism

There are a number of militant Islamic groups in the Western Cape, including Qibla and an affiliate of PAGAD, Muslims against Illegitimate Leaders, some of which are reported to have links with Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida international terrorist network. However, no incidents have occurred since the terrorist attacks in the US on September 11th 2001.

Civil Unrest

Political violence has decreased sharply. Most of the political violence of recent years has been in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng, where conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) has claimed the lives of 14,000-20,000 people since 1984. There are still sporadic outbursts of political violence in KwaZulu-Natal, but these are quickly controlled.

Street Crime

More than 300 murders and violent attacks take place daily in South Africa, making it, along with Iraq and Colombia, one of the three most dangerous countries in the world. Economic and social tensions are responsible for a high level of criminal violence in South Africa. Crime in Gauteng has adversely affected businesses, which have steadily moved away from Johannesburg's central business district into well-to-do suburbs such as Sandton. Organised business funds a body called Business Against Crime, which monitors and assists in combating crime at the local level. The high level of crime is perceived to be one of the obstacles to economic growth; however, studies of foreign investors' attitudes to crime present a mixed picture.

Crime in the Western Cape has centred mainly in the poorer Cape Flats region, which has been plagued by organised and armed gangs. A study by the World Health Organisation in 1995 showed that South Africa had one of the highest murder rates in the world, although this has declined recently. According to the 2003 edition of the Small Arms Survey, a report by a Geneva-based organisation, about 30m small arms are in circulation in Sub-Saharan Africa (one weapon for every 20 people). Rates of rape, robbery, hijacking and burglary are also extremely high, although kidnapping and extortion are rare. A sign that the government is not being complacent about crime is the increase in real terms of budget allocations: safety and security spending is earmarked to rise from R41m (US$6.7bn) for fiscal year 2005/06 (April-March) to R46.6bn. Although police statistics have become a political football, the official figures are corroborated by independent studies conducted by the Institute of Security Studies and the South African Insurance Association. According to claims submitted to insurance companies, crime increased between 1994 and 2002, stabilised in 2003 and decreased in 2004. The industry felt that generally there was a substantial improvement, but the Institute of Security Studies pointed out that certain types of crime (mainly sexual or aggravated assault) were normally under-reported.

The rate of politically motivated murder has fallen from the peak in 1993. Part of South Africa’s susceptibility to violence stems from the historical legacy of apartheid and the violent society that this created, as well as the high level of gun ownership. It also reflects the fact that crimes can be committed with a degree of impunity, as the chances of being caught are low. In addition, South Africa has one of the most unequal distributions of income in the world; on the one hand, it has the affluence and sophistication of gleaming shopping centres and, on the other, levels of poverty associated with developing countries.

Such inequality is an important factor behind crime in the new South Africa. So too are the rapid influx of people into urban areas since the early 1990s (including people from neighbouring countries), the high level of unemployment and the difficult transformation taking place in the police service and the criminal justice system. The challenges facing the 130,000-strong South African Police Service are formidable, and it is not uncommon for businesses and residents in more affluent suburbs to employ private armed security firms.

Drug Smuggling and Organised Crime

The opening up of South Africa to the global economy has caused an increase in the activities of domestic and international crime syndicates. Even though elite special forces (the Scorpions) have been created and have operated successfully in areas such as the Western Cape, the underlying tensions and constraints are difficult to resolve, and crime is unlikely to fall dramatically in the near future. There was a spate of bombings in Cape Town in 1999-2000, attributed to a vigilante group, People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), which was formed in response to the ineffectual policing of crime in the Cape Flats by the official authorities. However, PAGAD itself became involved in criminal activities and acts of criminal violence. The arrest of most of the leaders of the group put an end to its activities.

SUMMARY

South Africa's political outlook has been transformed by the resignation of Thabo Mbeki (after he was recalled by the ruling African National Congress-ANC) in September and his replacement, in a caretaker capacity, by Kgalema Motlanthe, the party's deputy president. Mr Motlanthe, an intellectual and a conciliator, is widely respected but is due to step down after next year's election-and will most probably be replaced by Jacob Zuma, the ANC president, although this is not guaranteed. The switch of president means that the transition to the new left-leaning ANC leadership (elected at the party congress last December) has taken place much more quickly than had been expected. This is broadly positive, as it will now be possible to make an assessment of the new team's performance (with the proviso that it is an interim administration) without waiting until mid-2009.

South Africa’s military is to become the strongest and most advanced on the continent. This was the message from newly appointed Deputy Defence Minister Fezile Bhengu at the South African National Defence Force’s annual army training exercise, Exercise Seboka.

The month-long exercise, conducted at the SANDF’s combat training centre in Lohatla, Northern Cape and involved more than 4 000 soldiers was aimed at testing, among other things, the ability of the army’s various formations to operate together as well as ensure it is combat readiness.

The exercise took place exactly a year after nine soldiers were killed and 15 injured, four of them seriously, when the firing of anti-aircraft gun used in last year’s Exercise Seboka went awry.

The gun, a Swiss/German Oerlikon 35mm anti-aircraft gun, suffered mechanical failure caused by a pin which sheared.

Observing the R44 million exercise’s open day, which included tank, artillery and armoured vehicle attacks, aircraft bombing sorties and foot and mechanised infantry assaults during a simulation aimed at restoring a government overthrown during a coup, Bhengu said the SANDF would soon be a force to be reckoned with, both in Africa and the world. The exercise, which was the last for the Olifant MKI tank, which is being replaced by the Olifant MKII, saw for the first time the Hawk lead-in fighter trainer jet aircraft used in an operational role.

Bhengu said: “We have the will, the way and very soon the capabilities to be the top defence force in Africa and serious contenders to the US and the rest of the world.

“While I might be ambitious, it is an ambition I believe that the SANDF can achieve. We have a wide range of capabilities, skills and knowledge, especially about Africa which other countries do not have,” he said.

Adding that he was not yet happy with the state of the SANDF “especially that it has had qualified audit reports for the past six years and the current sour relationship with the defence force unions”, Bhengu said he was confident of the turn around that had been planned for the defence force.

“We have been meeting with the defence force since our appointments and will be meeting them over the next couple of weeks to find out why there have been so many qualified reports and what is being done to turn around the defence force.

“We will also be meeting with the unions who we see as playing a vital role in helping the defence force to achieve its goals and objectives.

“It is imperative that the defence force was turned around if its vision of being a competent and capable combat ready force was to be achieved.”

He added that they would be revisiting the defence review because government wanted a complete functioning army and not an idling one.

“The world is in a very demanding arena and there is a definite need to have a strong and highly experienced military on the continent so that it can compete against international role players which we believe South Africa can do.”

Echoing Bhengu’s words, Army Chief General Solly Shoke said the exercise, which included 1 180 new recruits enlisted into the defence force through the Military Skills Development System, showed that South Africa was becoming a serious military contender in Africa.

He said while the exercise had not all been smooth sailing he was pleased with the way the army was progressing and the lessons it had learnt.

“This shows that we know we need to improve in order to achieve our objectives be they through conventional or unconventional warfare,” he said.

Commenting on what the military was doing to help those soldiers injured in last year’s accident, Shoke said that while some of the troops were still undergoing rehabilitation others had been reintegrated back into the defence force where they were continuing their careers.

Pourquoi ce permanent « tango démocratique » en Afrique ? Qu'est-ce qu'est réellement l'Afrique ? Que veut-elle devenir ? Comment s'y prend-elle aujourd'hui ? Il n'est point besoin d'être afro pessimiste pour faire ce jugement d'existence : en dehors de l'actuelle hausse des prix des denrées alimentaires, l'Afrique connaît une autre inflation largement plus meurtrière à long terme en ce sens qu'elle bloque l'émancipation politique et économique de ses populations.

C'est l'inflation de la révision constitutionnelle. L'inflation constitutionnelle est devenue l'unique offre politique des dirigeants d'un continent qui reste pourtant l'incontestable lanterne rouge du développement.

Voici les faits tangibles d'une révision constitutionnelle désormais inflationniste en Afrique : au Gabon, la Constitution a été modifiée en 2003, avec notamment la suppression de la limitation du nombre de mandats présidentiels initialement fixé à deux. Le président Bongo, en fonction depuis 1967, peut maintenant se présenter à l'élection autant de fois qu'il le voudra. Il s'est déjà déclaré candidat à sa propre succession.

En Ouganda la modification constitutionnelle est intervenue en 2005 et maintient Yoweri Museveni au pouvoir depuis sa victoire militaire contre le régime en place en 1986. Après avoir modifié la Constitution camerounaise en 1996 pour se donner une «virginité politique » en annulant tous ses anciens mandats à la tête de l'Etat, Paul Biya a encore, en avril 2008, modifié la Constitution de 1996 afin, principalement, de faire sauter le verrou de la limitation du nombre de mandats et de se donner une immunité post-mandat.

La Constitution a été modifiée en 2002 en Guinée-Conakry dans l'intention d'autoriser le président Lansana Conté à se représenter aux élections présidentielles à la fin de son second et dernier mandat. Au Tchad, la Constitution a été modifiée en 2005 et a permis à Idriss Déby de se maintenir au pouvoir depuis son coup d'État de 1990. En Mauritanie, la modification de la Constitution en 1991 a permis à Maaouyia Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya de rester au pouvoir de 1984 à son renversement par coup d'État en août 2005.

Au Burkina Faso, Blaise Campaoré, par un subtil jeu de levée de la limitation du nombre de mandats en 1997, puis de restauration de cette limitation en 2000, reste au pouvoir. En Tunisie, la Constitution a été modifiée également en 2002 pour permettre au président Zine Abidine Ben Ali de se représenter à l'élection présidentielle de 2004 qu'il a remporté par un suffrage avec 94,48 % de voix exprimées en sa faveur pour un quatrième mandat.

Pourtant, lorsqu'il avait destitué en 1987 le premier président tunisien malade, Habib Bourguiba, 84 ans, Ben Ali avait promis de mettre fin à la présidence à vie. Au Togo, la Constitution a été modifiée en 2003 et a permis à Gnassingbé Eyadema de se faire réélire pour un troisième mandat de cinq ans, au terme de 36 années au pouvoir jusqu'à sa mort en 2005.

Etant donné que les performances de tous ces régimes - à l'exception peut-être de la Tunisie - sont minables depuis des décennies, l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'Afrique reste une fidèle abonnée aux basses marches de l'échelle du développement socioéconomique à cause, en grande partie, des malversations politiques et économiques des élites intellectuelles et politiques qui la gouvernent, est plus que jamais plausible.

En effet, contrairement au vin qui se bonifie avec l'âge, les dirigeants africains entrent, en vieillissant, dans une dégénérescence politique qui les rend si allergiques aux libertés individuelles et collectives, qu'ils mettent en place des innovations sociopolitiques régressives en matière de développement.

Les illusions démocratiques du processus de démocratisation lancé dans les années nonante (ndlr Quatre-vingt dix) se sont évanouies. Le temps de passage des pouvoirs hérités aux pouvoirs élus agit de façon marginale (Bénin, Sénégal ) car les chefs d'Etats subsahariens court-circuitent aujourd'hui la volonté populaire par à un nouvel instrument politique : la révision constitutionnelle.

Celle-ci est sortie de son caractère utile et normal lorsqu'un régime fait des réformes institutionnelles nécessaires au développement socioéconomique du pays. Elle est devenue un outil personnel de confiscation d'un pouvoir que les présidents subsahariens souhaitent garder jusqu'à ce que mort s'en suive. Au lieu de se demander « que vais-je faire pour le pays et mes compatriotes », les présidents africains se demandent plutôt « que vais-je faire pour moi et mon clan ». Il en résulte une pratique démocratique tronquée.

D'un côté, les armées nationales, transformées en milices des pouvoirs en place, torpillent toutes les manifestations populaires opposées aux dictatures qui font corps avec les intellectuels de système.

De l'autre, la révision constitutionnelle prolonge sans cesse la longévité des mêmes régimes chaque fois qu'approche l'échéance du dernier mandat de l'homme fort du pays. La conséquence inéluctable de cette nouvelle pathologie politique africaine est le règne sans partage du statut quo dans tous les domaines.

Les mêmes régimes séculaires et incompétents règnent en maître, les mêmes économies dépendantes perdurent, la « françafrique » se requinque sous l'égide des mêmes potentats, les mêmes modes de gouvernances décriés se reproduisent, les mêmes pauvres croupissent dans les bas-fonds et ne cessent de rouler éternellement leur rocher sans espoirs comme Sisyphe, les mêmes riches s'accaparent de toutes les ressources et les mêmes carences institutionnelles se renforcent.

Ce sont autant de boulets que traîne le continent noir à cause en grande partie d'un immobilisme issu d'un manque de renouvellement de sa classe politique. La révision constitutionnelle est en effet devenue si centrale dans la vie politique africaine qu'elle se substitue à la promesse démocratique qui est de faire des citoyens les auteurs de leur histoire. Elle en constitue désormais la manifestation la plus aboutie et confirme sa congélation au stade purement formel.

Les peuples africains qui subissent pourtant les malversations et la médiocrité des régimes en place deviennent ainsi des spectateurs d'un jeu politique dont la production est privatisée par les réseaux dominants locaux.

En conséquence, l'Afrique reste sous-développée comme continent, mais de nombreuses élites au pouvoir sont individuellement développées grâce à un enrichissement illicite issue d'une gestion néo-patrimoniale de l'Etat qu'ils ne veulent changer pour rien au monde. Ils tracent ainsi une « ligne Maginot » entre leurs compatriotes et un développement réduit à l'enrichissement corporatiste à la tête des Etats.

Etant donné que l'Afrique semble aller à rebours de l'évolution du monde, force est de constater que René Dumont fut très optimiste en 1962 lorsqu'il avança l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'Afrique noire était mal partie. Et Axelle Kabou ? N'avait-elle pas finalement raison lorsqu'elle avança, en 1991, la conjecture d'un refus manifeste du développement par l'Afrique ? Etounga-Manguelle ne s'est-il pas posé une question cruciale en se demandant en 1990 si l'Afrique avait besoin « d'un programme d'ajustement culturel » ? Ces auteurs ne sont pas à fustiger comme le firent les intellectuels « gardiens du temple africain».

Le continent noir étant champion du monde toute catégorie d'innovations socioéconomiques régressives, ce sont des auteurs qui éveillent les consciences et demandent aux Africains de s'auto-évaluer avant d'accuser le monde entier et la colonisation comme c'est très souvent le cas.

D'où vient cette attitude confortable et déresponsabilisation qu'ont les dirigeants africains de privilégier la théorie du complot contre leur continent au lieu de ne pas le saborder, et de privilégier ce qu'ils peuvent faire pour le servir à bon escient ? Comment se fait-il que la dernière grande innovation politique africaine en date soit l'inflation de la révision constitutionnelle pour bloquer le processus démocratique ?

Cherche t-on le développement de l'Afrique lorsqu'on la transforme en seul continent au monde où l'unique projet de développement de ses dirigeants se limite à : « Je vais encore modifier la Constitution pour mourir au pouvoir » ? Voici donc encore une exception africaine qui, comme d'habitude, est économiquement et socio politiquement rétrograde.

Je veux bien que l'Afrique ait une singularité culturelle. Celle-ci est même fondamentale en ce sens qu'elle peut être le catalyseur d'un développement spécifique grâce à des pratiques sociopolitiques innovantes

Cependant, sont-ce la corruption endémique, l'irrespect des biens publics, la défense des intérêts claniques aux détriments de ceux des Etats, le laxisme légendaire dans la gestion, le blocage démocratique et l'ivresse morbide du pouvoir de ses dirigeants qui vont le réaliser ? Le refus du changement fait aujourd'hui de l'Afrique le continent le plus vieux si on considère l'âge moyen de ses dirigeants alors qu'il est le plus jeune en terme d'âge moyen de ses populations.

Pas étonnant qu'elle avance à pas de vieillards dans son processus de développement. Il lui faudra bientôt une canne pour avancer prisonnière qu'elle est d'un conservatisme politique archaïque et paralysant.

The convictions and sentences of two senior 121 Battalion officers were set aside by judges Nic van der Reyden and Piet Koen on appeal in the Pietermaritzburg high court on Friday.

The officers, Lieut-Col Louis van Eeden, officer commanding of 121 Battalion at Mtubatuba near St Lucia, and Maj Ferdinand Labuschagne, law officer of the battalion, were convicted of defeating the ends of justice by regional magistrate L Naidoo in the Eskhawini court near Richard's Bay in November 2004.

Each was fined R4 000, or two years jail, plus five years jail suspended.

Van der Reyden said that the catalyst leading to their arrest, trial and conviction was the arrest of two fellow officers, the battalion intelligence officer Maj J Bronkhorst and the transport officer, Major P Goosen, on a charge of conspiring to murder the second in command of Maj M Maekwane.

The main witness in the conspiracy case against Bronkhorst and Goosen was Rifleman M Sithole.

The state alleged that Van Eeden and Labuschagne intervened on behalf of Bronkhorst and Goosen by influencing Sithole to retract his statement -his first - to the police in which he alleged that Bronkhorst and Goosen plotted to murder Manekwane.

On the same day Labuschagne took Sithole to a Mtubatuba SAPS officer and Sithole then retracted his first statement saying that he had been forced to falsely implicate Bronkhorst and Goosen in the plot to kill Manekwane.

When Sithole's retracting statement was handed to a prosecutor she told the SAPS investigating officer of Sithole' second statement.

That same evening the police obtained a third statement from Sithole in which he retracted his second statement and said his first statement implicating Bronkhorst and Goosen was true.

In his judgment magistrate Naidoo said: "This case has all the characteristics of a tragic play where the prejudices, bias and so forth based on race kinmanship, partisanship and other prejudices are rife, and were indeed exposed."

Van der Reyden said that one would have expected a regional magistrate to approach the case with an objective and open mind.

"However he did not do so. He lost sight of the fact that Sithole's two statements revealed two possible plots - a conspiracy of white officers to get rid of Manekwane and/or a conspiracy by black officer officers to get rid of white officers.

"It is clear that the magistrate closed his mind to the probability that Sithole had falsely implicated Bronkhorst and Goosen, that he went to Labuschagne of his own volition and disclosed to him the falsity of his third statement and that his second statement retracting his first statement reflected the true position.

"This oversight by the magistrate resulted in him defining the main plot solely based on the state case.

"He also overlooked the fact that a finding that Sithole went to Labuschagne on his own volition and told him the true position - that he had falsely implicated Bronkhorst and Goosen - could only have one outcome: an acquittal on the charge of defeating the course of justice," Van der Reyden said.

Judge Koen concurred.

The SA Air Force does not have enough trained pilots and engineering back-up staff to ensure that all its aircraft are fully operational, the Department of Defence has revealed.

That means that many of its aircraft – including those bought in terms of the multi-billion-rand arms deal – are effectively grounded.

The shock revelation comes in a written reply to a parliamentary question by Freedom Front Plus MP Pieter Groenewald, in the wake of warnings by SANDF top brass that the battle to halt the exodus was being lost, prompting op-position MPs to warn that national security could be compromised.

The ministry says that while all specialist aviation musterings have been hard-hit by the high exodus rate, the greatest shortages lie among pilots, flight engineers and technicians.

“The situation is aggravated by the fact that many of the remaining personnel have very little practical experience, thereby creating a false impression of the real situation.”

That means there are very few skilled and experienced staff left to train others.

Figures given in the reply put the critical capability of fighter pilots at a scant 38%, and technicians at 61%. For helicopters, the critical capability of pilots is 72%, while that for flight engineers is 64% and for technicians 68%. For transport aircraft, the critical capability for pilots stands at 68%, for flight engineers 25% and for technicians 59%.

The ministry says the international shortage of aviation experts has played a major role in the loss of skilled staff – and that the SANDF “is not in a good position” to retain their services.

This is because salary packages are not competitive: “Many of the service benefits have been seriously eroded and the SA Air Force is finding it increasingly difficult to generate sufficient flying (time), which is generally a strong motivator.”

An exodus of pilots, flight engineers and technicians has meant that many of the re-maining staff have very little practical experience.

The reply also reveals that “bureaucratic delays” are hampering efforts to retain and attract skilled staff: “While specialist allowances have been introduced, bureaucratic de-lays in updating them very often prevent them from staying relevant.

“The new remuneration package, which would recognise specialists, is only likely to be introduced in two years’ time,” the department says.

In addition, medical benefits have been “seriously compromised” by the “chronic under-funding” of the SA Military Health Service and a major shortage of medical practitioners.

The ministry says another problem is military housing – an important benefit which is needed to cater for military personnel as they’re regularly moved abut the country.

However, there aren’t enough houses available and the quality of the homes has deteriorated because of a lack of funds for maintenance.

The department says it has made requests to the National Treasury for essential additional funding – but that most of these “have not been favourably received”.

This, it says, prevents the SANDF from becoming “an employer of choice”.

In July this year, SANDF top brass reported that the air force had lost 218 technicians last year, on top of the 253 who left for the year before.

The exodus includes experienced pilots. Many are being snapped up by companies in Australia and airlines in the Middle and Far East.

Forty-two members of the SANDF are currently suspended with full pay pending disciplinary hearings – including three senior officers who are on suspension in connection with high treason.

A written reply to a DA parliamentary question neither identifies the three by name, nor gives details of their alleged crime against the state. High treason is defined as engaging in activities with the intent to overthrow the state.

It states that the reason for the delay in finalising their disciplinary hearings as “awaiting civil court appeal proceedings”.

Two SANDF members are awaiting the outcome of appeals against murder convictions; another has appealed against an arson conviction and three face court proceedings for armed robbery. Three cases of sexual harassment are also cited in the written reply, as well as 13 for theft and/or fraud .

Cases against two SANDF members suspended in connection with armed robbery have been withdrawn and their suspensions are being lifted.

At least 39 SANDF members have been suspended on full pay in connection with murder, rape, arson, armed robbery, housebreaking, theft of of state funds, military equipment, rations and fuel, bribery, threats and intimidation.

It appears from the reply that disciplinary action against most of the SANDF members has been delayed for more than 12 months – which means they’ve been receiving full pay for the past year. Reasons for the delays include waiting for civilian courts to finish their work and the outcome of appeals, but also lengthy investigations and drawn-out disciplinary proceedings.

DA defence spokesperson, MP Rafeek Shah, has now called on new Defence Minister Charles Nqakula to spell out in detail how he plans to deal with ill-discipline in the armed forces.

“An efficient military justice system is a critical part of maintaining military discipline,” Shah said. “What does the minister intend to do about increasing the current system’s efficiency?”

Shah said it was “extremely disturbing” that three members of senior command were currently suspended for high treason.

“We need to seriously examine the quality of the SANDF’s senior military leadership, because good conduct and discipline starts at the top,” he said.

Naval officers with special skills were being offered at least four times more than their current salaries by recruitment agencies who cheekily put up camps outside naval bases such as Simon’s Town to lure them to oil rigs in Nigeria, Australia and the private sector.

Rear Admiral Hanno Teuteberg, commander of the SAS Isandlwana, said, for example, his ship was currently operating with nine auxiliary watch keepers on board – the bare minimum sea-going standard. The full complement should be 16, he said.

Nonetheless, his ship and others in the naval fleet were operating optimally, Teuteberg said, but staff were having to work harder.

The situation was “very serious”, Minister of Defence Charles Nqakula said on Friday at his first media briefing since his appointment.

Speaking on board the SAS Isandlwana, Nqakula said the problem facing the navy was “the story of life facing South Africa at this time”.

The situation, Nqakula said, had forced government to adopt a retention strategy with special focus on “scarce skills”.

The strategy included drawing on retired SANDF personnel and an arrangement with tertiary institutions – including one in Durban – to produce specialists in the naval field.

Nqakula also said the navy was aware that many whites were leaving the service because they were being overlooked in favour of blacks.

He said transformation did not mean simply replacing one group with another, but required a strategy which would see people from “lower bases being trained and moved to higher bases”.

Nqakula said transformation was not just about human resources. “We need to transform our material resources too,” he said, adding that some of the navy’s resources were 30 years old and needed to be replaced.

“Organised crime, on our soil, is using high technology to commit crime; there are pirates on the high seas … We need to meet these challenges with superior technology.”

Arestricted report which threatens to show up former defence minister Mosiuoa Lekota in a bad light has been rubbished by his former department as having been “doctored”.

Nearly two years after Lekota vehemently denied the reported multimillion-rand theft and loss of defence force equipment, vehicles and supplies from its bases in Burundi, a restricted SA National Defence Force legal services staff paper has described the non-prosecution of those responsible as “stupefying”.

But the Defence Department yesterday insisted that the report obtained by The Star – which was originally commissioned by the chief of the SANDF’s legal services – had been altered by unknown people with access to restricted documentation.

As a result of the “doctoring” of the report, the department’s spokesperson Sam Mkhwanazi refused to clarify or comment on the report’s criticism of “the non-prosecution of any (Burundi-based battalion) commanders for negligent losses of state equipment and property, and failure to account for the theft from SANDF stores in Burundi”.

The document’s author, Captain DK Gillespie, said last night: “I did not write that.”

The Star drew Lekota’s ire in 2006 when it reported on a SANDF board of inquiry into the disappearance of vehicles, guns, ammunition, bombs and supplies worth more than R27-million from South African army bases in Burundi.

Lekota reacted to The Star’s report with outrage.

“The disturbing thing about this report is that it is so grossly inaccurate as to suggest bad faith,” he said at the time.

While criticising The Star’s report as “unprofessional” and “unethical”, Lekota, however, admitted that “some” rifles and mortars were missing.

Standing committee on public accounts (Scopa) chairperson Themba Godi yesterday said the defence force had failed to provide “any firm and detailed answers about the location” of its missing equipment and vehicles.

“We were not satisfied with their responses on the question of the thefts and losses …

“We were really quite horrified at the way in which the entire operation and management of the SANDF had deteriorated.”

Godi went on to say that Scopa’s most recent meeting with the SANDF had left the committee with the impression that “this was not a department in control”.

Of all the missing vehicles, one only Casspir was traced.

Movement and breakaway Should former defence minister Mosiuoa Lekota, and others opposed to the direction the ANC has taken, stay within the party or split from it and oppose it in next year's election? BILL The choice to leave or stay should be left to Lekota and his colleagues who feel aggrieved by the direction the African National Congress (ANC) is taking. If they stay they must prepare for a fight to wrest control of the ANC from their opponents. This option is fraught with risks as it includes fighting a battle they cannot win. The group in control now has the support of the Youth League, the South African Communist Party (SACP) as well as labour federation Cosatu. The Youth League assumed primary responsibility for mobilising for the electoral outcome in Polokwane. Lekota's group lost precisely because they had no control over these groups. Forming a new party would be a neater option for Lekota, who appears keen to show the ANC is deviating from its historical path.

This would be useful only if it is intended to attract disenchanted ANC members to a party he intends forming. A new party would offer voters an alternative to the ANC. Such a development would constitute an immense long-term investment in the future of democracy. It would help the ANC focus on the concerns of voters rather than the endless palace revolutions that have become the dominant mode of changing leaders. Forming a new progressive party would also point the way forward for others in southern Africa who are up against the hegemony of former liberation movements.

Regards, Khehla KHEHLA Lekota is a humane and sincerely nonracial man and of course he and others can do just as they wish. I fear they have chosen the wrong grounds and the wrong time. Really, they should have stood up to Thabo Mbeki over AIDS and Zimbabwe, pointing out that these two policies were killing enormous numbers of people, and dissented on principle.

The fact that no cabinet minister did that meant one lost respect for all of them. Anyone who had dissented and paid the price would now be in a spectacularly good position. Instead, Lekota went along with all that, left the SANDF in a mess and ended up defending someone last week's Economist called a rotten president". This is not a good basis for launching a new movement and it is too late before the election.

On top of that the SACP, having achieved a large measure of control, will not give way peacefully. Already it is threatening mass action against anyone who dares form a splinter party. These people are not democrats and they have no regard for the constitution. So when you speak of fighting a battle", you are quite literally right.

Yours, Bill BILL There was nothing for Lekota to oppose in Mbeki's Zimbabwe stance. The alternative to talking is fighting, which no one wants. Robert Mugabe succeeded in sowing misery because Zimbabweans let him. They chose exile rather than standing up to a dictator. The principal agents for democracy in Zimbabwe are Zimbabweans themselves who should rid their country of a repugnant tyrant.

Lekota needs no reminding that there is nothing untoward about disagreeing with anyone. If he has reached a point where he cannot agree with enough policies of the ANC, he should leave and join the legion of others who have done so. He is a seasoned politician who should readily appreciate history records not a single party that has been right all the time. Any party he forms should this option appeal to him might just be right some of the time, in which case he will continue with his passion of working in practical policy, a role he enjoys. Regards, Khehla KHEHLA I disagree: SA had all the (peaceful) leverage it needed to make Mugabe behave from the start. But AIDS was even more straightforward: Mbeki killed far more black people than apartheid ever did.

It is a great pity that the United Democratic Front (UDF) ever dissolved itself. The current situation certainly cries out for a stronger opposition. But the Democratic Alliance (DA) doesn't seem to have understood the electoral system properly and is, crazily, talking about pre-ballot coalition deals. All proportional representation (PR) systems create centrifugal forces, but our pure-type PR is the most extreme. What that means is that parties maximise by fighting on their own and then make coalition deals after the ballot. A good example would be 2004 and the DA-Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) election deal. The result: KwaZulu-Natal was the only province where the DA vote went down and the IFP lost power to the ANC. Would you ever find Pick n Pay and Checkers pooling their ad budget to promote supermarkets in general? It's a no-brainer.

Regards, Bill BILL Mention of the UDF is bound to evoke memories that Lekota must have participated in processes which culminated in the dissolution of that organisation. This should put into perspective his protestations about being marginalised in the ANC and give him a taste of the treatment he meted out to members of affiliate organisations.

Lekota would presumably form a party rooted in social democracy, were he to form one. This would be an excellent idea, which would be even better were someone to provide the many conservatives in SA with a party without the race baggage of the past. Were such a party to be formed, it would give voters a choice of voting conservative, explode the myth that Africans are somehow congenitally averse to modern conservative politics, and give the ANC a run for its money. Regards, Khehla KHEHLA You write as if SA were a communist state. In any other country social democracy is seen as a left alternative. Nowhere else would anyone describe it as a conservative option. The problem with conceptualising this as a social democracy vs communist struggle is twofold. However desirable social democracy is, we cannot afford to be the only one in Africa. Handing out welfare payments to more and more people simply pushes up our marginal labour costs and helps price us out of doing any manufacturing at all. It also sucks in vast numbers of unskilled foreigners through our porous borders, swamping the housing, labour, health and every other sort of market and producing xenophobic violence. No third world country has developed by being a social democracy. It's something you afford after you're developed.

Second, for a split to have traction it must fasten itself onto a powerful, underlying cleavage which has, inevitably, to be tribal. By the end, Mbeki's cabinet was overwhelmingly Xhosa and he was defeated by a Zulu-led phalanx. But this doesn't fit the right-left spectrum. All surveys show Zulu voters to be far more moderate than Xhosas. There are fascinating questions of political sociology here but most of the questions and answers are not PC.

Former South African Air Force sergeant, Flippie Venter, who was sentenced to 24 years’ imprisonment for the murder of Burundi teenager while serving in the central African country, is appealing his conviction and sentence.

Venter (35) was a VIP protector in Burundi when he killed Therese Ndishimane (14).

He was also found guilty in a Thaba Tshwane Military Court of assaulting a Burundi security guard and convicted on a charge of non-attendance under the Military Act as he did not report back to his base before a curfew.

Venter is currently serving an 18-year sentence at the Barberton correctional services facility for the murder of his children, Janco (4) and Millize (5), and the attempted murder of his wife, Millie (34). The murders took place while the military trial was under way

Jenny Brewis, who is representing Venter, said the burden of proof to convict Venter was not there.

“There are glaring errors in the State’s case and we need you to look beyond to see these,” she told Transvaal Judge President, Justice Bernard Ngoepe.

Ngoepe along with judges Francis Legodi and ML Mailula are hearing Venter’s appeal for his conviction to be overturned.

His appeal is part of an automatic review under military law.

Brewis said even if the case had not gone through a review they would have appealed.

She said they were arguing that there was a gross oversight by the State in its case which had led to a breach of Venter’s constitutional rights. “This oversight is the admission by a military policeman in which he says he broke the law by following incorrect procedures during the pointing out of the crime scene and his failure to advise Venter on his constitutional rights.”

The failure to advise Venter on his rights apparently include not being advised of his right to remain silent and that he did not have to provide a statement which would incriminate him.

His alleged confession was used by the State to convict him of the murder when the court found that Venter’s admission to two SANDF officers that he had strangled Therese that night after she refused to have sex with him was admissible.

Brewis said her client was adamant that he never confessed to the murder. “We still do not know how (Therese) died as there was no forensic evidence.

“This, coupled with the failure to advise Venter on his constitutional rights, is a complete failure of justice,” she said, adding that she was extremely bothered by the absence of forensic evidence.

She said their argument was that Venter was never warned properly of his rights as a suspect or that he was a suspect.

Contesting that the correct procedures had been followed by the military police, prosecutor Lieutenant-Colonel Tinus Kleyn, said one had to look at all the evidence, including the circumstantial evidence.

“I could not establish from forensic evidence that Therese had died from strangulation, which is why I had to look at the circumstantial evidence and his admission.

“All the circumstantial evidence, coupled with the pointing out, is sufficient proof and shows that Venter was the one responsible for Therese’s murder,” he said.

Judgement has been reserved.

The Rapid Reaction Battalion, which was handed over on Friday, forms part of the South African National Defence Force's (SANDF) efforts to successfully integrate and train former rebel forces to become part of the Congolese National Defence Force.

Although not all rebels were integrated, the move was seen as a step in the right direction to peace in the country. It is envisaged that more and more rebel force members will join the integrated in the DRC National Force.

About 80 instructors for the SANDF were involved in the training of the former rebel forces which started in February and ended in July. The troops were trained in South Africa.

Speaking at the official handing over ceremony held in Mura Base, Likasi in Congo, Minister Nqakula said South Africa remained committed to the development of the African continent.

"Without peace and stability, there can never be peace. Our country believes in the principles of democracy," he said, adding that South Africa will continue to promote peace in volatile areas.

The handover marks the first milestone of the three Battalions that the SANDF must train.

In response, the DRC Defence Minister Diemu expressed gratitude to the South African government for the good work is has been doing in that country.

He concurred with Minister Nqakula that development cannot take place were there is no peace.

The successful launch of the first battalion is part of many diplomatic engagements by South Africa, alongside other role players, to assist in reforming the DRC following its democratic elections in 2006.

In 2004, the two governments signed an agreement on Defence Cooperation, paving the way for the two ministries to further sign an agreement on Practical Assistance to the Government of the Republic of Congo, among other agreements.

In recent years, the DRC has been ravaged by wars between rebel forces and government troops which have left scores of people dead.

Minister Nqakula expressed confidence in the first battalion, saying they will assume their responsibilities in a professional, disciplined and humane nature.

"I have great respect for the people of the DRC for their will to ensure stability in the region and the African continent," Minister Nqakula said.

Apart from the training, the SANDF has also deployed its troops in the DRC, Sudan and Burundi on a UN peace keeping mission.

Recently, the former Defence Minister Mosioua Lekota visited Mozambique to conclude an agreement between the two countries which included training of their personnel in defence issues.

ESHOWE police are closely monitoring the activities of a paramilitary training camp set up at Vuma, near Eshowe, whose members claim to belong to the ANC.

Shacks at the camp house 74 people, including 10 women, who all defected from similar IFP-aligned camps last year.

KZN ANC general-secretary Senzo Mchunu has distanced the party from the camp.

Police Insp Mbongeni Mdlalose said the camp was set up by more than 700 people last year. Many had since left.

He said a string of criminal activities, including assault and theft of livestock, had been reported by local people.

Yesterday a man, who introduced himself as Jabulani Dumisa, said he was the supervisor of the camp. He said had orders not to let anyone in.

Dumisa said he took orders from Bheki Ntuli, the ANC’s Empangeni region chairman, and that nobody entered the camp without his permission.

When contacted for permission, an angry Ntuli distanced himself from “those people”.

“I’m a leader of the ANC, not of some camps. I know nothing about those people,” he said.

“Our investigations have found that the training camps are associated with a certain (Maj) Mothate, a member of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). Mothate is believed to have recruited these people by falsely promising them that they would be integrated into the SANDF long after the integration process had been concluded,” said Mchunu.

The defence force has previously denied any knowledge of Mothate. Police recently destroyed another such camp at Mlaba, near Ulundi, and arrested all its members.

Two South African National Defence force soldiers deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo have drowned.

The two were among seven SANDF troops travelling in a 4.5-ton Mamba armoured personnel carrier across a bridge near the town of Kitchanga on Tuesday on their way to base when the bridge collapsed and the vehicle fell into a river.

The soldiers bring the number of South African troops who have drowned in peacekeeping missions in Africa to 12.

In 2004, six soldiers drowned when their armed vehicle plunged into Lake Kivu in DRC when the driver lost control of the vehicle while trying to avoid an oncoming car.

In 2002, four soldiers from 10 Anti-Aircraft Regiment in Kimberley drowned during a waterborne airlift exercise in Burundi.

Kitchanga is a small town just north of Goma in the eastern DRC which saw heavy fighting during that country’s civil war.

Information given to the Pretoria News has revealed that the seven are members of the 121 Battalion from Matubatuba, KwaZulu-Natal and are part of a United Nations peacekeeping mission.

The programme has seen the SANDF help establish a battalion of DRC soldiers, who consist of former rebel and regular DRC army troops, for that country’s new defence force.

The SANDF yesterday said a preliminary investigation had shown that the seven, who were passengers in the Mamba, were crossing a bridge when it collapsed.

Defence Force spokesperson Sam Mkhwanazi said that five of the seven soldiers managed to swim to safety, but the remaining two were trapped.

He said the bodies had been recovered from the vehicle.

Mkhwanazi said the names of the two will be released once their next of kin had been informed of their deaths.

Deux soldats sud- africains se sont noyés en République démocratique du Congo (RDC), a annoncé mercredi le ministre de la Défense Charles Nqakula.

Selon des informations obtenues dans un premier temps, les deux soldats se trouvaient à bord d'un véhicule Mamba avec cinq autres soldats lorsqu'il est tombé dans une rivère près de Kitchanga mardi, a indique le bureau du ministre.

Le pont sur lequel le véhicule roulait s'est effondré.

"Cinq des sept soldats ont réussi à retrouver la sécurité à la nage, mais malheureusement deux soldats étaient coincés dans le véhicule", déclare un communiqué du ministère de la Défense.

Les corps des deux soldats ont été retrouvés. Leurs noms ne seront pas publiés avant que leurs parents ne soient informés de leur décès.

Le ministère de la Défense a fait savoir que le chef d'état- major de l'armée sud-africaine, le général Godfrey Ngwenya, avait ordonné la création d'un comité pour enquêter sur cet incident.

The SA National Defence Force (SANDF) is losing engineers, pilots and other skilled personnel faster than it can train or replace them, raising questions about its ability to continue functioning in certain specialist areas.

The Defence Department’s latest annual report reveals that the SANDF is struggling with vacancy rates of up to 42% in some critical fields.

This includes a severe shortage of engineers (42% vacancy), air crews (36%), air traffic controllers (30%) and defence force spooks (30%).

Significantly, there is a 30% vacancy rate in the joint support function, which is central to the country’s already overstretched peace support operations.

There are also notable shortages of nurses (26% vacancy), anti-aircraft personnel (27%) and artillery men and women (18%).

DA MP and defence spokesman Rafeek Shah responded to the news by pointing out that such high vacancy rates would affect the SANDF’s ability to “respond to internal and external requirements” and “may compromise our national security”.

He appealed to newly appointed Defence Minister Charles Nqakula to “show that he means business by telling South Africa what he intends to do to resolve the problem”.

But a haemorrhaging military is largely the legacy of former defence minister Mosiuoa Lekota, who headed the department for almost 10 years.

With more than 14 000 positions now available in the armed forces, the total vacancy rate stands at 15.3%.

Generals and admirals have been warning for some time that the SANDF was facing a serious exodus of skilled soldiers, sailors, pilots and technical personnel and that this could pose a threat to the country. In July SA Air Force Chief Lieutenant-General Carlo Gagiano told astonished MPs that the rapid exodus of pilots to Australia had prompted him to place a call to his Australian counterpart and appeal for an end to the “poaching”.

Acting defence secretary Tsepe Motumi warned Parliament that the problem was “across the board” in the SANDF and that the organisations was suffering from “poaching on a month-to-month basis” despite setting aside more than R400 million last year to compensate employees with scarce skills.

The annual report goes on to say that Auditor-General Terence Nombembe gave the SANDF an unqualified audit this year. However, the AG raised a number of “matters of emphasis” relating to the poor management of assets totalling R360m. He also pointed out problems with contingent liabilities to the tune of R500m.

The annual report warns that the cost of the Defence Strategy 2025 – the organisation’s long-term planning project – will cost “substantially” more than the projected allocation.