Mon séjour en Afrique du Sud (Cape Town)

THE police and the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) must work together to avoid a repeat of the xenophobic violence that took place in May.

This relationship will also determine the effectiveness of the war against crime, according to a report by a researcher at the University of Pretoria.

George Kruys,, a researcher at the university’s Institute for Strategic Studies, has penned a report titled “The role of the military in internal security”, and in it he argues that South Africa’s rising crime rates can be tackled by bringing the SAPS and SANDF closer together.

The two organisations worked together earlier this year when xenophobic violence exploded in parts of the country. President Thabo Mbeki authorised the deployment of the SANDF to “assist the police in the maintenance of law and order”, Kruys said in the report.

Kruys said in his report that 694 police members had been murdered in the line of duty over the past five years.

“The reason for police inefficiency evidently lies in their lack of suitable personnel and equipment for the task. The pressing need is for the SANDF to operate internally. Conditions in South Africa show that many elements of a restless, volatile and lawless society exist in the country.”

He said that although the police needed help in combating internal security issues, the SANDF was not currently in a position to offer the necessary support.

Kruys said that the SANDF lacks training, has a poor relationship with the police and is required by its mandate to focus entirely on external security.

“SANDF co-operation with the police is, and always has been fraught with difficulties because of the massive difference in the ways in which the two forces operate.

“Military/police co-operation must be sorted out while there is time to establish and practise procedures calmly and the SANDF must obtain the required equipment to carry out internal security tasks effectively.”

l A copy of the report can be obtained by contacting the Institute for Strategic Studies via e-mail on wilma.martin@up.ac.za

The government’s multibillion-rand arms deal has crippled the South African Navy.

And, says one of the country’s leading arms deals experts, the Navy does not even have the money “to fully or properly operate or support” the costly frigates or submarines that have devastated its budget.

The Star yesterday revealed that the Navy wants to spend billions more of taxpayers’ money on patrol ships, primarily because the hugely expensive corvettes they bought to monitor the country’s seas are not ready or up for the job.

According to a June 2008 Defence Force Legal Services staff paper for Chief of the Navy Vice-Admiral Johannes Mudimu, the state’s controversial purchases – “which currently absorb most of the South African Navy’s financial resources” – have left the Navy incapable of:

nTracking the vessels that travel around the South African coast;

nConducting patrols aimed at protecting and defending “the maritime sovereignty of the Republic”;

nFulfilling its “collateral responsibilities” of “maritime safety, pollution response, search and rescue, protection of maritime resources and interdiction of maritime offenders”; and

nConducting patrols of South Africa’s resource and fossil fuel-rich Economic Exclusion Zone.

Trained advocate Captain DK Gillespie, whose mandated report the Defence Force has attempted to dismiss as an “academic study” created by a “student”, further states: “With the transformation of the South African National Defence Force, severe budget cuts (and) downsizing, the SA Navy has become a shadow of its original force structure, with a number of ‘gaps’ apparent in its capacity.”

Richard Young, the overlooked arms deal bidder who was awarded a R15-million settlement from the government after he sued it for damages, yesterday said it was “fact” that the Navy was unable to afford operating the frigates and submarines it had purchased.

Referring The Star to research that found that one frigate cost e720 000 (about R8,2-million) a day to operate, he said the Navy’s mooted purchase of eight to 12 new 85m-long multipurpose-hull patrol boats “would make economic sense”.

“These vessels cost between R250- to R300-million each, as opposed to the R4-billion cost of the frigates.

“The reality is that, if government had not forced the Navy to buy the frigates and submarines, it would have been able to purchase the patrol boats … which get the work done.”

Young added: “At least regarding the frigates, the SA Navy would have saved about a billion rand in 1999 rands, which would have gone a long way in operational and support costs,” he said.

The Star has established that, at the time that Defence Department spokesperson Sam Mkhwanazi claimed Gillespie had written the report, in 2003, he was a senior staff officer of operational law support at the SANDF.

It appears he was not studying at the time, as is being claimed.

The South African Navy has confirmed that it is interested in buying more ships, but says this would be done in terms of plans laid down in the official Defence Force Review.

The Navy was responding to reports today that its new frigates and submarines were not the right tools for the task and that the Navy had to splash out billions of rands more to obtain new patrol vessels.

The report was based on a research paper written by a student officer at the SANDF Warfare School in 2003.

The document did not have any official standing in the Navy, Rear Admiral Bernard Teuteberg, the Navy’s director of maritime strategy, told the Cape Argus today.

Teuteberg said the official Defence Force Review actually made provision for the systematic acquisition for a variety of vessels meant to perform different tasks.

The Navy’s frigates and submarines were also obtained in terms of the review and were the first vessels to be purchased, he pointed out.

“The review was done by democratic government pro-cesses and it allows for the acquisition of vessels for specific tasks.

“At the time the officer did his paper, we had only just begun to take possession of the frigates and we had no submarines in commission. That was five years ago.

“Since then, the Navy has made huge progress. Our new vessels are operational and operating as required.

“No other navy of a similar size as ours has been able to integrate new frigates and submarines into their system in five years.

“We did, within budget and on time.”

But Teuteberg pointed out that one had to use the right tool for a specific job.

“Just as you cannot use a combine harvester to plough, a frigate is not designed to take mine counter-measures or do inshore or short distance patrols.

“The frigates are meant to patrol the extremities of our economic zone and are meant to be able to stay at sea for long periods.

“Our current minesweepers are 50 years old and the mine hunters 30.

“We have also always doubled up with them to do intermediate patrols as well.

“These vessels are among those that need to be replaced.

“It has everything to do with having a balanced force,” he said.

Teuteberg explained that papers written by warfare school students were important research projects to allow students to develop their thinking.

“We give them a wide variety of subjects and they are not restricted in any way.

“The paper in question was a very good one; it was refereed by a senior officer and I am told the officer got very good marks for it,” he said.

“But the fact is that it is by now out-of-date and is not an official policy document.”

Teuteberg said that while the reports today suggested there should have been a choice between the frigates and submarines on the one side and the smaller patrol vessels on the other, the reality was that they were required for different tasks.

The South African Navy wants to spend billions more of taxpayers’ money on patrol ships – because the hugely expensive corvettes they bought to monitor the country’s seas are not ready or up for the job.

This has emerged from a staff paper commissioned on behalf of Chief of the Navy, Vice-Admiral Johannes Mudimu from, the SA National Defence Force’s (SANDF) Legal Services Division, which states that the navy “urgently and critically” requires the 85m-long multi-purpose hull patrol boats to replace its aging vessels.

The paper also states that the navy’s lack of ability to patrol South African waters has led to the plundering of the country’s marine resources.

The document, which the SANDF yesterday insisted had no official status, also reveals that the navy expects to face strong resistance to its mooted purchase of the “indispensible” ships, because of the backlash that followed government’s previous R30 billion arms deal.

However, it suggests that government could partially fund the purchase of the hulls – the estimated total cost of which runs into billions of rands – with money saved from the “decommissioning of old ships”.

The corvettes cost about R6 billion. Each hull is expected to cost a minimum R300 million.

Defence spokesperson Sam Mkhwanazi yesterday claimed the document, which was sent to Mudimu from SANDF Chief of Legal Services Major General SB Mmono in June this year, was a 2003 “academic study” conducted by a legal services staff member “in his personal capacity”.

But the document, which is in possession of Independent Newspapers, includes numerous references to events, papers and conferences which occurred well after 2003.

It also confirms that the document was commissioned on behalf of the chief of the navy. Mkhwanazi claimed, however, that the reference to “commissioning” might be as a “result of a misunderstanding of that word”.

Mkhwanazi declined to respond to questions about the document, including its statement that the corvettes and submarines purchased as part of arms deal would only come into service in 2012, six years after the 2006 date given by government for when the corvettes would be “operationally ready”.

At the time that the corvettes were purchased, government claimed that they would be used, among other functions, to conduct “regular patrols for the protection of our marine resources against poaching and pollution in our Economic Exclusion Zone (EEZ)”.

The staff paper now states that the limited budgets experienced by the navy, as a result of the huge arms deal costs, had left it unable to patrol this 1.3 million sq/km.

According to the SANDF’s legal services department, given the area’s size and “massive potential in terms of fish, mineral and fossil wealth, the failure to patrol (one cannot control without patrol) is a departure from international trends verging on dereliction of duty”.

This lack of control had led to “the unrestricted plundering of valuable resources like the Patagonian tooth fish,” the document stated.

The SANDF’s legal department has, however, sought to downplay the navy’s responsibility for this situation.

In the document, it insists that the navy has an “indirect responsibility” in conducting air and surface patrols of South African waters and claims it is “incorrect” to state that the defence force has a responsibility to manage the country’s marine resources.

While admitting that the navy had “historically” conducted patrols of South Africa’s seas, the memo stated that downsizing and severe budget cuts – caused largely by the massive arms deal expenditure – had left it a “shadow of its original force structure with a number of ‘gaps’ apparent in its capacity”.

The paper concluded that a possible solution to securing the EEZ, re-building the navy’s credibility, and justifying the patrol boat expenditure, lay in establishing a coast guard within the navy.

“The answer therefore logically lies in a redefinition of the role of the navy, especially in peacetime.

“From a political point of view there is no question that politicians, especially after the whole defence arms acquisition furore, require the so-called ‘bang for buck’.

“The SA Navy, seriously suffering a serious lack of credibility, has yet to pay its way. The SA Navy is convinced that a South African coast guard must be established as a separate flotilla,” it stated.

Speaking to Independent Newspapers yesterday, Democratic Alliance spokesperson on the arms deal Eddie Trent yesterday said the paper’s revelations “come as no surprise”.

“With each passing month and year it becomes more obvious how misguided and plain incompetent it was of the ANC government to purchase enormously expensive, highly sophisticated weapons without proper forethought.”

“They could have done without the submarines and bought cheaper corvettes from Spain. We did not need the Gripens or the Hawks.

“By saving billions, we could then have had the finances to purchase the vessels that the navy is now requesting.”

AT least 600 former IFP self-protection unit members undergoing military training at Mlaba Camp in Zululand say they will merge with other groups of former South African National Defence Force members, pushing the number of ex-combatants demanding to be integrated into the defence force to 11 000.

Leaders of the South African unintegrated forces, representing black ex-SANDF members who left the force because of dissatisfaction with the integration process, former KwaZulu homeland policemen and former members of the IFP self-protection units will gather in Ulundi this weekend to finalise a merger.

The president of the unintegrated forces, Maj Kereng “K E” Motate, said they were a military formation, not a political one.

“We do not want to be politicised. Initially, we were made up of black members of SANDF, but we have since reached an agreement with the former Zulu Police and self-protection units to form one body,” he said.

Those based in Mlaba Camp, situated near the Hluhluwe/Umfolozi Game Reserve, 40km from Ulundi, said they had been undergoing training for months and would hold a passing-out parade in Ulundi.

The Mercury, which visited the camp but was not allowed in, found groups of young people in blue overalls doing physical training. People who appeared to be instructors were wearing camouflage uniforms and manned an entrance.

At the entrance to the secluded camp a sign welcomes you to “South Africa unintegrated forces – amabutho (soldiers)” and the South African flag flies inside.

Agreement

Wise Mdakane, who is in charge of the camp, said the media was not allowed in.

An agreement is set to be signed to form one big force. Mdakane said this would push the numbers to 11 000.

The acting deputy, Zenzele Sishi, said the group was still fighting for integration into the army.

“We have made several representations to Terror Lekota (defence minister) and to people in his office, including President Thabo Mbeki. They tell us the process of integration is now closed. But we are saying integration should be reviewed because it was imbalanced and left out a lot of IFP people,” said Sishi.

He conceded that those at the camp were undergoing training but declined to elaborate. It was not clear who owned the camp, but the camp was initially used by IFP self-protection units.

The camp has a sinister history, as it was here that six 10-ton truckloads of Vlakplaas weapons were delivered to former IFP strongman Philip Powell in the mid-90s, during the training of paramilitary forces linked to the IFP.

Police spokesman Vincent Mdunge said there were two such camps in the province.

“There are processes that are being followed. Both camps have been visited by police and people were served with notices to stop their activities,” he said.

“There are legal processes being followed by police. We are still awaiting outcomes of these processes.”

Initial investigations had revealed that people in the camps had been promised by someone that they would be integrated into the army.

“But when the SANDF was contacted, they said they had no knowledge of this. We, however, are keeping an eye on them.”

Masilela died on Sunday after being involved in a car accident in Mpumalanga.

The Presidency, Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota, the African National Congress (ANC) and other political parties expressed regret and sadness at the news of Masilela's death.

The chairmen of both the portfolio committee on defence, Fezile Bhengu, and the joint standing committee on defence, Manie Schoeman, described Masilela's death as untimely. In a joint statement, they said: "His contribution towards the establishment and the building of the democratic dispensation since 1994 in general, and the SANDF since 1999 in particular, is acknowledged and appreciated. He will be missed by those in Parliament who associated with him during his term as the secretary of defence."

Condolences were extended to his widow, Mavis Masilela, as well as children Teboho, Refilwe, Nobuhle, Kagiso, Khumo and Thapelo

Democratic Alliance (DA) MP and defence spokesman Rafeek Shah said the DA had learnt of his death with shock and "we wish to convey our heartfelt sympathies to his bereaved family and wish them God's strength. We pray for their wellbeing through this trying period of grief."

Freedom Front Plus MP Pieter Groenewald expressed similar feelings, saying Masilela had conducted himself well as SA's first defence secretary.

Bhengu expressed discomfort at "the manner" in which the death had been reported. He said to refer to some of the controversies surrounding Masilela at the time of his death was insensitive, and "our culture does not allow negatives when people are in pain".

Masilela, who was born in Mhluzi, Mpumalanga, in 1955, left SA in 1975 to join the ANC in exile. He served with its military wing, Umkhonto weSizwe.

He was appointed defence secretary by President Thabo Mbeki in 1999 and at the time of his death was one of the country's longest serving directors-general in the public service.

Lekota and a delegation of senior officials visited Masilela's family. Lekota said since Masilela joined the department in December 1999, he had served his office with "loyalty and dedication" and played an important role in building relations between the SANDF and other forces through the signing of international agreements.

Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota has expressed condolences to the family of the Secretary of Defence, January Masilela, who died in a car crash at the weekend.

Lekota and a delegation from the department visited Masilela's family on Monday, said departmental spokesman Sam Mkhwanazi on Tuesday.

Masilela died in a car accident along the N4 highway near Bronkhorstspruit on Sunday. It appears that he lost control of his vehicle. He died at the scene.

Chief of the SA National Defence Force (SANDF), General Godfrey Ngwenya, also expressed his condolences to the family.

Masilela, who is survived by a wife, five children and three grand children, joined the department in December 1999.

As head of the department of defence, he played an important role in the signing of various international agreements, said the department.

Born in Middelburg, Mpumalanga on 23 February 1955, Masilela went into exile in countries including Cuba and Angola.

He was a Commissar (deputy commander) at the Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) headquarters in Angola, and chairman of the Regional Political Military Council in Botswana.

Parliament's committees for defence praised Masilela for the role he played in strengthening the SANDF.

The Portfolio Committee on Defence and the Joint Standing Committee on Defence both described his death as "tragic and untimely".

The Democratic Alliance described Masilela's death as a "great shock."

"The DA learned with great shock of the passing away of Masilela, under tragic circumstances. We wish to convey our heartfelt sympathies to his bereaved family and wish them God's strength. We pray for their well-being through this trying period of grief," said the party.

The SA Communist Party described Masilela as a "humble servant of the people.

"Comrade Che, as he was affectionately known amongst comrades, had dedicated his life to fighting injustice and bettering the lives of the people of our country," said the party in a statement.

The 53-year-old also served as secretary on the party's Mpumalanga Provincial Executive Committee. "Our condolences to his family, friends and comrades," said the party's Malesela Maleka.

The memorial service and the funeral arrangements would be announced once confirmed by the family, said Mkhwanazi.

Defence Secretary January Masilela has died.

He was apparently involved in a car accident early on Sunday morning in Mpumalanga, his grieving family in Pretoria told Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota last night.

Defence spokesperson Sam Mkhwanazi said the minister had only heard of the accident late yesterday afternoon. “We don’t really know what happened yet. As you can imagine the family is deeply shocked,” he said.

ANC spokesperson Jessie Duarte last night expressed shock as well. “We are all devastated. It’s a great loss not only to defence but also the country,” she said.

She said Masilela had joined the party at a very young age and had been in exile in a number of countries, including Angola where he was appointed political commissar for a number of ANC camps during the struggle.

The news also came as a surprise to SA Air Force Chief Lieutenant-General Carlos Gagiano who had just returned from a night sortie to hear the news.

“That is terrible news,” he said.

Masilela was born in Mhluzi township outside Nelspruit, Mpumalanga. He left the country in 1975 for Zambia where he joined the ANC.

Masilela was one of the country’s longest serving directors-general, having being appointed by President Thabo Mbeki in 1999 and having his contract subsequently renewed.

Masilela was appointed Defence Secretary in 2000, replacing retired Pierre Steyn.

As Defence Secretary he was accounting officer and policy guru for the defence force during an era of great change. His role, set apart from that of the military generals, was designed to ensure the country’s defence force remained under civilian watch and oversight.

The Secretary for Defence January Masilela died in a car accident in Bronkhorstspruit on Sunday, police confirmed.

Gauteng police spokesman Superintendent Eugene Opperman said on Monday that Masilela was alone in his car and no other vehicle was involved in the accident. The accident occurred at 5.20am.

Masilela died at the scene. It appeared that he had lost control of his vehicle.

Defence department spokesman Sam Mkhwanazi said: "He is no longer with us, as of yet we don't know the cause of the death."

Amscor's corporate journal, Salvo, said in 2001 that Masilela was born in Mhluzi township outside Nelspruit, Mpumalanga. He was exposed to the injustices of the apartheid system early on in his life.

"It was then that he decided he was not going to sit back. If it meant losing his life fighting the system, so be it."

He left the country in 1975 for Zambia where he joined the ANC, enlisting with MK - Umkhonto weSizwe.

That enlisting was to start a long chapter of military training: first in Libya for his basic military training, then to the former Soviet Union where he spent about two years doing a senior course.

Determined to become a "super soldier", and as though he was aware that his role was at the leadership level, Masilela proceeded with his advanced military courses, undergoing further training in Cuba and the people's Republic of Germany (East Germany).

Between 1982 and 1984 he studied and received a senior diploma in social science.

In 1987 he was posted to Botswana as Umkhonto's Political Commissar. His role covered, among others: strategy planning sending missions across to South Africa, interacting and getting feedback from those already in the country, and also advising on further steps/action.

On primary role as the SANDF Defence Secretary, Masilela said: "I am the chief accounting officer for the Defence Force.

"Among other things, this entails ensuring that we run an effective and cost-efficient organisation.

"The position also has the added responsibility of a Principal Policy Adviser to the Minister."

I am an ex-serving member of the South African Navy and was surprised to read about the agreement on making military hospitals open to civilians.

As a member of the Defence Force Medical Continuation Fund, I am concerned, as I do not know how this will affect me and other members of the fund.

At the moment, it takes three weeks to see a doctor at Simon’s Town Medical Centre. I have osteoarthritis and must wait until November before I can get an appointment to see an orthopaedic surgeon. Will serving and ex-serving members have to wait in the queue with civilians to see a doctor? What happens if I decide to go to a state hospital?

There are many more questions that need to be answered. It would be appreciated if the state medical and SANDF medical services could publish the terms of this agreement and the full details of how it will operate.

Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota has endorsed a plea from ANC parliamentarians for more money to be spent on his beleaguered defence force.

But the DA yesterday pointed out that while Lekota begged for more money, the SA National Defence Force (SANDF) had spent almost R11 million paying the salaries of suspended members.

There are currently 42 SANDF members suspended with full pay, with a significant number having already been away from work for longer than a year.

“The SANDF has spent a total of R10 907 429 on suspended members’ salaries over the past three financial years – an average of R3.6m each year,” the DA’s defence MP, Rafeek Shah, said.

However, ANC MP Gerhard Koornhof, who sits on the defence portfolio committee, warned parliamentarians in the National Assembly yesterday that the SANDF was on the verge of collapse. “It’s a fact that what is expected from the SANDF … and what is being provided in monetary terms to the SANDF – namely 1.2% of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) – it’s becoming impossible to execute. Something has to give,” he said.

He said the shortage of funds was putting the well-being of soldiers at risk, causing experienced staff to leave in their droves and equipment to become obsolete. Koornhof said defence spending must be increased to 1.7% of GDP over the next three years.

“Only then will we be able to create a proud SANDF capable of executing what government and our country are expecting of them,” he said to applause from the House.

Responding to Koornhof’s plea, Lekota told MPs that they would be well advised to heed the warning.

“I would hope that members of the House would take serious account of that statement. It is in the interest of our country to reflect along the lines of what he suggested on the question of the defence of our country,” he said.

According to South Africa’s leading defence analyst, Helmoed-Roemer Heitman, the military’s crippling cash crisis has already led to the early retirement of the country’s fighter jets, the Cheetahs, earlier this year – nearly four years before they were due to be decommissioned. The Cheetahs were meant to be retired between 2010 and 2012 to avoid any gap that could be created before the arrival of the Gripen fighter aircraft.

SA Air Force chief Lieutenant-General Carlos Gagiano has admitted publicly that the current lack of funding did not allow for both the Cheetah and Gripen programmes to be operated simultaneously.

Last year Finance Minister Trevor Manuel told the House that South Africa spent more on providing water than it did on defence.

The Department of Health and the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) allowing military nurses to open their doors to civilians and transfer their patients to state hospitals.

Military Hospitals were previously restricted to current and former members of the SANDF.

Minister of Health Manto Tshabalala-Msimang said the signing of the agreement at the Inkosi Albert Luthuli Academic Hospital on Thursday had taken the department a step further in realising the goal of providing quality healthcare for all.

"The signing of the MoU between the departments represents the desire and determination in all of us to tackle and resolve the common challenges facing us," said Ms Tshabalala-Msimang.

According to the department, the collaboration would allow the Military health workers greater access not only to state hospital facilities, but ambulance services too, enabling them to transport patients to public health facilities for services that their own hospitals do not offer.

The Military Hospitals would be able to admit civilian patients too.

Minister of Defence Mosiuoa Lekota said members of the SANDF would have greater access healthcare as a result of the MoU.

He said it would also benefit retired members because they can now visit their nearest public hospital instead of travelling distance to the Military Hospital for treatment.

The delivery of public healthcare in the country was hampered by limited physical infrastructure, Ms Tshabalala-Msimang said, adding that the MoU would alleviate the challenge.

The KwaZulu-Natal provincial Health Department also entered into similar collaboration with the SAHMS.

Minister Tshabalala-Msimang said it is at provincial and local levels where the delivery of health services takes place and they therefore have to spare no effect in strengthening their capacity at [all] level.

The statement issued yesterday follows revelations from Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota earlier this week, in reply to a parliamentary question from DA MP Rafiek Shah, that some suspensions had been for almost six years and had cost R10,9m in the past three financial years.

Shah said Lekota had indicated that "42 members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) are currently under suspension on full pay, and that a significant number of them have been suspended for more than one year. The average length of time for which members are suspended on full pay is more than two years, and the South African army appears to be the worst offender. Two people at rank level 9, for example, have been suspended for almost six years on full pay.

"The SANDF has spent a total of R10907429 on suspended members' salaries over the past three financial years: an average of R3,6m each year. This is an astonishing waste of money that could have been better spent on training and equipment, which are currently in perilously short supply. It is unacceptable that it should take this long for the SANDF to process and conclude its disciplinary matters, particularly since its suspended members are able to enjoy full remuneration -- at the government's expense -- for periods of years rather than months."

He said that for any member to be suspended for more than a year also indicated that there were serious problems with the effectiveness and efficiency of the military disciplinary system.

Shah said Lekota's reply showed that the most senior officer suspended on full pay held the rank of brigadier-general or rear-admiral and that this had been for a period of four years and two months.

At the rank of colonel or naval captain were two officers who had been suspended for five years and nine months, and for five years and eight months.

"The DA calls for a full review of the military justice system and will be pursuing this matter further at Parliament," Shah said.

The major internal security development in South Africa in Q208 was the outbreak of very serious antiimmigrant riots in a number of areas of the country. The wave of violence, much of which was concentrated in and around Gauteng province and the Johannesburg area, started on May 11 and over the rest of the month led to the death of 62 people, with hundreds injured, and tens of thousands displaced from shantytowns where they were living to new makeshift camps. In BMI's view, this indicates that the country could be facing a series of upcoming security challenges in 2008-2009. With Presidential elections due in 2009, Jacob Zuma remains the current favourite to win, having received the backing of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) at its annual conference in late 2007. Zuma continues, however, to face serious corruption charges due to come to court in August 2008 or later. Tense relations between his supporters and those of outgoing president, Thabo Mbeki could also create a degree of political turbulence. South Africa faces internal and external security threats. Internally, it faces the daunting challenges of an anti-immigrant xenophobia, well-established organised crime and drug trafficking network, a vast wealth disparity, and large scale of HIV infection within its population. Its security concerns also extend beyond its borders. As the hegemonic power in the continent, and particularly in the southern Great Lakes region, it has a heavy involvement in the continent's trouble spots in terms of security forces/peacekeeping deployments. While the numerous security threats in the region have the potential to destabilise South Africa on a variety of levels, the potential for its neighbours - particularly Zimbabwe - to destabilise it, economically and politically, is especially strong.

The defence industry witnessed major upheaval when the lifting of the arms embargoes on South Africa led to competition with foreign companies. With the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) no longer a captive customer of the sector, companies have had to shed large sections of their workforce, leading to dwindling numbers. Recent procurement packages may be the first step in reversing this trend. The future of the South African defence industry depends on its successful break into the international market. Joint ventures (JVs) will aid the country in gaining technological lead in key areas. Currently, the biggest single long-term problem within the defence industry is the lack of research and development (R&D), funding and policy. Several defence industrial participation (DIP) contracts have been signed with South African firms, which will assist in areas of defence electronics.

Arms exports are proving a more vital area of sales for South African defence companies, and should be the main catalyst for any growth in the industry. Encouraging figures from key defence companies seem to suggest a growing export market. Meanwhile, arms imports should increase substantially with the delivery of the major weapons platforms recently ordered by the government. The recent normalisation of relations between the US and South Africa offers hope for better trade.

BMI concludes that despite concerns, the state's political, economic and security structures remain relatively strong. The country is plagued with very high crime HIV/AIDS infection rates, but neither of these poses a risk to overall stability. Recent restructuring and moves to modernise the South African armed forces have created the best-equipped and most advanced military on the African Continent. The defence industry is growing and making indents into international markets.

We know about the “two centres of power” – the government on the one hand and the ANC on the other – but there also seems to be a “parallel universe”, two separate realities coexisting next to one another, operating in the country.

That, at any rate, is what it felt like in Pietermaritzburg last week observing Jacob Zuma’s application in the High Court and the events outside.

On the one hand, there were the legal events in court and what they may signify. On the other, there was what was going on around the court and what was said by the tripartite alliance leaders.

Both realities co-existed, yet they often seemed to have little connection with one another. They seemed to be happening in parallel worlds that didn’t touch at any point, like a set of railway lines – or like two people talking at one another and not to one another.

Starting with the events outside, the leaders of the tripartite alliance swept into a dusty Pietermaritzburg on Monday, to make a statement that went something like this.

The prosecuting authorities and the courts can do and say what they like, but the ruling alliance believes in Jacob Zuma’s innocence; it feels he has been unfairly persecuted (if not prosecuted), and the alliance is going to see to it, come hell or high water, that he becomes the next SA president.

It was a well-organised show of support for the president of the ANC.

Supporters were bused in from Johannesburg, there was an overnight vigil, and ANC spokeswoman Jesse Duarte was present with her support staff and others from Luthuli House, the ANC headquarters in Johannesburg, working hard to ensure the much-maligned media interviewed alliance leaders as much as the usual talking heads.

And, of course, with the exception of Kgalema Motlanthe, the ANC deputy president, all the bigwigs were there.

Motlanthe’s absence was notable because if Zuma does get knocked out of the race for the country’s presidency due to his legal problems, it is presumably Motlanthe who will become the front runner; and yet there are strong rumours of a growing rift between the two men.

The important people ranged from Baleka Mbete, the chairman of the ANC, Gwede Mantashe, its secretary-general, replete with Trotskyite spectacles and goatee, Mathews Phosa, its treasurer-general, Lindiwe Sisulu, the minister of housing, Siphiwe “Gebuza” Nyanda, former chief of the SANDF, a full array of KwaZulu-Natal ANC officials, and Julius Malema of the youth league, to Zwelinzima Vavi of Cosatu and Blade Nzimande of the Communist Party.

At the end of each day of court proceedings (there were one-and-a-half in total), Zuma was walked out by his phalanx of bodyguards to the stage in the taxi rank outside the High Court.

An honour guard of uMkonto weSizwe (MK) veterans then stood to attention in front of the stage, saluted and fell out (militarily speaking) – once with so much vim and vigour that Debra Patta of e.tv almost got up-ended.

Once they had done this, and Vavi had breathed fire and brimstone about the attitude of the prosecution authorities, and Nzimande had done much the same, Zuma came to the centre stage to thank the crowd in the taxi rank for coming to support him and – at the end of the second day – to explain to them (as best he could) what had happened in court.

He delivered on both occasions a resounding version, replete with vigorous dancing, of uMshini wami (Bring me my machine gun), his trademark song, which brought the non-existent house down every time.

With the exception of Nzimande, who is not especially interested in matters sartorial, and Malema, who was, as it were, dressed for battle in a Zuma T-shirt, all the ANC officials and members were beautifully turned out, as though attending a wedding.

Vavi’s fine suit and tie, for example, looked as though they cost a great deal more than the average worker’s monthly salary, as did Mbete’s various get-ups.

There was a joke doing the rounds that “if you want to be in the next cabinet, you had better be seated in the front row at this trial”, and inside crowded Court Room A there was much jostling among the important people to win bum space on the front row of the hard public benches.

There was also much hugging and kissing exchanged by those in the front and other rows, behaviour that seems to be de rigueur for those who were involved in the struggle and still are.

But let’s turn now to the event that everyone had come to attend.

Unfortunately, it was not at all the big one about which everyone has been talking – Zuma’s trial on numerous charges of racketeering, corruption, fraud and tax evasion.

It was merely a preliminary skirmish.

Zuma had brought an application asking that the charges against him be declared invalid because he had not been afforded an opportunity to have the charges against him reviewed when he was charged in June 2005 and again in December last year.

According to Kemp J Kemp SC, Zuma’s counsel, both the Constitution and the NPA Act order “unambiguously” that Zuma was entitled to such a review and therefore the charges against him were unlawful.

But, according to Wim Trengove SC, the state’s lead prosecutor in this matter, this was not so – and in any case, Zuma’s application was effectively side-stepping the main issue by dealing with the decision to prosecute him as an “administrative” matter and not with whether he was innocent or guilty.

“(Zuma’s) attack does not say you cannot prosecute me because I am innocent, or that I am being unfairly tried,” said Trengove.

“It says that I should not be put on trial because the decision to prosecute me was unlawful. It is quite divorced from innocence or guilt.”

And it was, therefore, beside the point and the trial needed to continue, Trengove argued.

The difficulty, however, was that, besides the arguments being technical and descending at times to linguistic analysis – what do the Constitution and NPA Act actually mean? – the acoustics in Court Room A are poor, Kemp was clearly suffering from the after-effects of a cold or flu, and, despite being asked to speak up by Judge Chris Nicholson, he was mostly inaudible.

So there was a minimum of “juicy material” available, which meant there was little for the analysts and the main Zuma spokespeople to get their teeth into.

Besides, the real legal action was taking place behind the scenes and not in the courtroom. In May, counsel for both sides, as well as legal representatives for Thint, the French arms manufacturer which is Zuma’s co-accused, met Vuka Tshabalala, the judge-president of KwaZulu-Natal.

They agreed the main trial would be adjourned to December 8, at which a firm trial date would be set; the application for declaring the charges invalid would be heard on August 4 and 5; and an application for a permanent stay of prosecution, which Zuma indicated he would also be launching, would be filed in September.

Since the August and September applications were likely to be appealed, whichever way they went, the firm trial date, to be set on December 8, was likely to be late next year or early in 2010 – long after the May 2009 national elections.

But, apparently buoyed by the Constitutional Court’s criticism of Zuma’s strategy of pre-trial challenges, delivered 10 days ago when it turned down Zuma’s appeal against the validity of search-and-seizure warrants, and given that the state is “trial-ready”, state prosecutors Billy Downer SC and Anton Steynberg started pushing for a main trial date of April next year.

They argued behind the scenes that any unfinished business should be dealt with at the trial and before the trial judge, Judge Nicholson.

Zuma’s legal team was not happy with this suggestion.

Obviously Zuma wants to be president before he goes to trial. He might, for example, be able to introduce legislation, once he is president, which would make it illegal for a sitting president to stand trial.

And it is reliably understood that there are “resource” problems in the Zuma legal camp.

Both Kemp and Michael Hulley, Zuma’s attorney, have other commitments. They are not as free as state prosecutors to give 100% attention to the Zuma matter.

Nicholson was apparently unable to get the various sides to agree on anything. He accordingly ordered them to sort out their “squabble”.

He told them to set dates for the interchange of papers for the permanent stay application, which will be heard on November 25.

And, notably, he apparently did not have any objections to the state prosecutors pushing to set a date for the main trial, one that could be finalised on December 8.

Nicholson told all parties to be back in court on Friday to give him these dates. And he said he would give judgment on the present application on September 12.

To summarise. By Friday, Nicholson wants a timetable for the exchange of documents in the permanent stay-of-prosecution application, which he will hear on November 25. On September 12 he will rule on the application to have the charges declared invalid. And he also seems willing that a main trial date be set in preparation for December 8.

Unnoticed by many, Nicholson’s instructions seem to imply that he has made up his mind to push on with the main trial and to deal with all outstanding matters there.

How he would deal with the appeals there are likely to be against his September 12 judgment and the judgment in the application for a permanent stay, is not clear.

What is clear is that in the next few days, letters are likely to be flying thick and fast between the NPA and Zuma’s and Thint’s legal teams, and even between the legal teams and Nicholson, in which the Zuma and Thint teams are going to do their utmost to stay away from the first half of next year.

We return now to the outside of the High Court.

There, though Vavi, Nzimande, Malema and Duarte tried their best not to show disrespect to the courts and the rule of law, they could not help doing so.

Duarte said Zuma had been “maliciously persecuted” by the NPA over the years. Vavi said that “we” would not allow Zuma to go to any “kangaroo court” (it was not clear to what he was referring), and Nzimande said that justice wasn’t just about “a day in court” but about the “whole process”.

But that was just one line of a set of railway lines. The other line – the legal process – seems to be grinding ahead inexorably in its parallel world.

The police and SANDF, together with various other security and disaster management agencies, have been conducting simulated operations to test their members' strengths and find their weakness.

Operation Shield is being held in and around Bloemfontein this week.

Police spokesperson Senior Superintendent Vishnu Naidoo said "Operation Shield" was aimed at honing security-related skills to ensure a safe environment in host cities during major events.

This includes securing the national airspace and other strategic key points.

"Some of the most elite members and units within the security forces will engage in simulated scenarios and enact certain aspects of our emergency contingency plans in order to neutralise any form of airborne and land-borne threat," Senior Supt Naidoo said in a statement.

The police units to be used during the exercise include the special task force, the national intervention unit, the national and provincial air wing, border line and ports of entry components, the emergency services as well as hostage negotiators and bomb disposal experts.

The SANDF would also deploy various personnel from the Air Force, the army and the navy with the necessary equipment and machinery.

A senior SA National Defence Force administration clerk was on Monday jailed for five years for fraud involving more than R1 million.

The sentence under section 276(1)(i) of the Criminal Procedure Act means Zelda Wolmarans, 46, will have to serve at least a sixth of her term before she can be released under correctional supervision.

Wolmarans earlier pleaded guilty to 251 charges of fraud involving about R1,1 million in the Pretoria Specialised Commercial Crimes Court.

The crimes have been committed since 1996 until her arrest in April 2006. She was later released on bail of R20,000.

Wolmarans was a civilian working for the SANDF at the reserve force administration section, putting information into the salary system.

She used access codes of others to capture false information and approved payments for reserve force members who were not called for duty, paying the money into her own bank account.

In mitigation of sentence, the court heard from clinical psychologist Kobus Truter that Wolmarans had experienced remorse and committed these offences due to a low self-esteem, as she used the money to make herself "acceptable" to others.

Truter said the accused earlier divorced her husband due to his extra-marital affairs. This, and her financial problems, gave her self-esteem a blow.

"The crimes started when she needed money for one of her children’s sport. When she wasn’t caught out, it became easier, and she later started to use the money for herself," the witness said.

Wolmarans later remarried, but wanted to see to her children’s needs at "all costs". She also underwent three plastic surgery operations in an attempt to be "more acceptable".

Magistrate Dawie Jacobs found that Wolmarans made the wrong choices and continued doing so.

She did not have remorse while committing this fraud for 10 years, otherwise she would have stopped, he said.

He said the accused misused her position of trust and taxpayers' money.

However, she did plead guilty, lost her job, had an assets forfeiture order against her of more than R1,1 million, and a repetition of her deeds seemed unlikely.

"I think you have learned the lesson. You have lost everything, showing that crime doesn’t pay," Jacobs said before sentencing Wolmarans.

The police, South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and various other security and disaster management agencies started with a week long 2010 FIFA World Cup training exercise around Bloemfontein on Monday.

Spokesman Superintendent Vishnu Naidoo said "Operation Shield" was aimed at honing security-related skills to ensure a safe environment in host cities during major events.

This includes securing the national airspace and other strategic key points.

"Some of the most elite members and units within the security forces would engage in simulated scenarios and enact certain aspects of our emergency contingency plans in order to neutralise any form of airborne and land-borne threat," Naidoo said in a statement.

The police units to be used during the exercise include the special task force, the national intervention unit, the national and provincial air wing, border line and ports of entry components, the emergency services as well as hostage negotiators and bomb disposal experts.

The SANDF would also deploy various personnel from the Air Force, the army and the navy with the necessary equipment and machinery.

Naidoo said the Civil Aviation Authority had already issued an Aeronautical Information Publication (AIP) which restricts flights within 40 nautical miles of the Bloemfontein airport. It however does not ban flights in the area.

With the exception of scheduled or state flights, all other aircraft wishing to enter into the stipulated airspace between August 4 and 9 2008 must conform to the restrictions.

This entails applying for permission at least 24 hours in advance, submitting a flight plan and being subjected to a vetting process.

Any aircraft observed entering the temporarily restricted airspace without the prescribed authority would be subjected to interception, interrogation and possible prosecution.

Naidoo said Bloemfontein residents would experience a great deal of security force activity in the area with a number of uniformed people, vehicles and aircraft in and around the city and the airport.

"Our activities would be intensive between Monday (August 4) and Saturday (August 9) with aerial simulations both during the day and night."

Naidoo urged the public in Bloemfontein to be patient as the exercise was essential.

Le général Rafael Apilinha, inspecteur général des Forces armées angolaises (FAA), a affirmé que l'organe tiendra sa prochaine conférence de mardi à jeudi de la semaine prochaine dans la capitale angolaise de Luanda. Cette rencontre de trois jours vise à évaluer les activités menées depuis sa première réunion à Pretoria, en Afrique du Sud, en juillet 2006, a fait savoir M. Apilinha, cité par ANGOP.

Selon lui, la prochaine conférence procèdera à des analyses et prendra des décisions sur les mesures concrètes en ce qui concerne les organes des inspecteurs de la défense des Etats membres de la SADC.

Quant à l'inspecteur général de l'armée sud-africaine, Mxolisi Petane, président sortant de l'Organe de la SADC, se trouve en Angola depuis vendredi.

La réunion biennale des inspecteurs militaires de la SADC sera tenue en Angola LUANDA, 1er août (Xinhua) -- La réunion biennale des inspecteurs militaires des pays de la Communauté de développement de l'Afrique australe (SDAC) sera tenue du 5 au 8 août à Luanda, capitale de l'Angola, rapporte vendredi l'agence de presse officielle angolaise ANGOP.

L'inspecteur de l'armée sud-africaine, le lieutenant de corps d'armée Motxine Petane, à Luanda depuis jeudi pour préparer la réunon, a affirmé que cette conférance avait pour but dde créer un établissement qui remplacera la structure de l'Inspecteur de l'Organisation régionale.

La réunion précédente avait été tenue en 2006 en Afrique du Sud.