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A criminal charge has been laid against Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota by the South African National Defence Union (Sandu) for failure to report the Lohatla incident to the Department of Labour.
Nine soldiers from 10 Anti-Aircraft Regiment, situated just outside Kimberley, died on October 12 during Exercise Seboka when an anti-aircraft gun malfunctioned.
Angry soldiers yesterday marched to the Northern Cape Department of Labour to hand over a memorandum in which they called upon the Department of Labour to investigate the Lohatla incident.
The acting national secretary of Sandu, JG Greeff, said that even though the Department of Defence was subject to the Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) Act, no 181 of 1993, it had failed to report the incident to the Department of Labour.
He said that the Department of Labour had taken the initiative to engage the Department of Defence three days later in order to ensure further compliance with the relevant act.
He added that the Department of Defence did not have enough OHS safety representatives and that no safety representative had been present at the incident.
“This was despite the fact that soldiers are expected to function in an environment rife with extremely dangerous equipment and situations.”
Greeff said that many other incidents which had resulted in the loss of life and limb of soldiers in the workplace had occurred last year, without any investigation or even reporting of such incidents by the department to the Department of Labour.
He added that the time had come for a thorough investigation of the SANDF in this regard and for stringent measures to be taken even if it included the closing down of certain workplaces in the SANDF.
“We reject the investigation established by a murderous minister and are putting all our hopes on the Department of Labour,” the chief negotiator, Jeff Dubazana, said during the protest march yesterday.
The soldiers also demanded a 19% increase in salaries, adding that the country's soldiers were the lowest-paid government workers.
“Thousands of soldiers are working on a contract basis. Do they have to get themselves injured before being permanently employed?” asked Dubazana.
One soldier, who took part in yesterday’s march, was outraged by the fact that none of the units at Lohatla had closed on the day of the incident and that everything carried on as usual.
He said it was a definite sign of disrespect for the dead and the injured soldiers.
“I was a guard of honour on that day for Minister Lekota and I saw that they were more concerned about drinking than what had actually happened,” the soldier said.
He added that the accident occurred as a result of negligence on the part of the Department of Defence as soldiers had not been fully trained in anti-aircraft weapons.
“It is this incompetent leadership that is killing us. A retired general should rather become the Minister of Defence – at least he would have some insight,” another soldier said.
Dubazana said there would be a march in Limpopo today.
The case against Wouter Basson is not just about his suitability to be on the country’s medical register, it has much greater implications for SA. Chandré Gould and Louise Flanagan report
Can there be any doubt that a medical doctor has overstepped ethical boundaries if he heads a chemical and biological weapons programme?
If that programme also makes assassination weapons and incapacitating agents intended to bolster a regime whose policies were described by the United Nations as a “crime against humanity”, would the case against the doctor not be conclusive?
Apparently not.
If the Health Professions Council of South Africa case against cardiologist Wouter Basson ends in his acquittal, as seemed quite possible last week, the country’s medical profession will be telling the world there is no ethical conflict between being a medical professional and heading just such a programme.
Last week, the council started hearing six charges of unprofessional conduct against Basson, notorious for his role in the apartheid-era military’s covert chemical and biological warfare programme between 1981 and 1993. If the council finds against Basson, he could be struck from the roll of registered doctors.
Basson is a practising cardiologist in Cape Town.
This week the hearing rapidly turned into a circus, with the prosecution’s star – and only – expert witness crumbling under cross-examination to the point where he could no longer make any coherent criticism of Basson’s ethics.
A medical ethics expert, Prof Solomon Benatar, of the University of Cape Town, told the hearing that Basson should never have involved himself in the chemical and biological warfare programme.
But when forced under cross-examination to comment on specific actions by Basson, frequently in terms of “yes” or “no” answers, Benatar fell apart, made admissions damaging to the prosecution and finally refused to answer. Legal hearings usually are not the place for philosophical academic debates, as Benatar found. Instead, they deal with very specific allegations against a very specific person.
Despite the huge publicity around Basson’s lengthy criminal trial on his chemical and biological warfare activities and his acquittal in 2002, Benatar clearly knew very little about the case.
Basson’s advocate, Jaap Cilliers SC, seized the opportunity provided by his opposition’s ignorance to contradict arguments he had made in Basson’s defence during the criminal trial a few years ago.
The 2002 Pretoria High Court ruling in the case against Basson stated quite clearly that while holding the rank of brigadier, Basson was head of an offensive and defensive chemical and biological warfare programme.
Yet, in the Health Professions Council hearing, Cilliers made the case that not only was Basson merely a junior officer following orders, but that Project Coast – his chemical and biological warfare programme – was only ever intended to be to develop defences against chemical and biological weapons.
The claim that project Coast was purely defensive is easily dismissed by documents Basson himself wrote. These are in the public domain and would have been available to Benatar, had he looked for them.
In a 1989 document setting out project Coast’s objectives, Basson wrote that these included supporting the offensive and defensive chemical and biological operations of the security forces (overt and covert), and carrying out the military’s own chemical and biological warfare operations.
It will be interesting to see whether former SA Defence Force Surgeon General Niel Knobel, due to give evidence on Basson’s behalf, recalls his testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings when he described Basson as having the support of the cabinet and SADF as head of the programme and that, as surgeon-general, it was “quite impossible to begin to question the way he (Basson) carries out his dealings. His word was accepted”.
In a characteristic twisting of the truth, Basson claimed in his plea explanation to the Health Professions Council that he had been put on early retirement in 1993 by then-president F W de Klerk, then in 1995 appointed in the SANDF on the instructions of then-president Nelson Mandela, creating the impression that his credentials were acceptable to Mandela.
The fact is that, according to former United States ambassador Princeton Lyman, who was part of a joint delegation from the US and Britain to the SA government, the US and Britain urged the government to re-employ Basson because they were concerned that he was sharing information about chemical and biological weapons with Libya in the early 1990s.
In Lyman’s words: “The South Africans agreed to rehire him as a way to stop his foreign travels and keep him under wraps.
“As he was a cardiac surgeon, he was hired back into the military in that capacity, a decision that would later cause Mandela some embarrassment, but that was the only recourse that appeared practical at the time.”
As head of Project Coast, Basson created the conditions under which the scientists working in front companies would believe that developing assassination weapons, and providing security-force operators with poisons, would meet with his approval.
Basson has freely admitted to the council that he provided cyanide capsules for SADF operators to commit suicide if caught behind enemy lines.
That is inconsistent with ethical medical practice, but Benatar struggled to criticise Basson for this.
Basson also confirmed providing drugs to subdue victims of international abductions – a matter which the inept Benatar seemed unable to denounce as unequivocally unethical.
How difficult could it be for him to criticise a doctor who, using his medical skills, helps in an illegal raid into another country?
The hearing collapsed after a day, with prosecution leader Marius Helberg SC begging for a postponement to look for a more useful expert, admitting that all the defence would have to do was say it agreed with Benatar and leave it at that to ensure Basson’s acquittal.
How did the inquiry reach such a point? Simple: one team has been incompetent, the other not. As a morning’s entertainment, it may have been amusing.
As a precedent-setting case for the medical profession, it was appalling.
The hearing is not just about whether Basson is fit to be retained on the medical register of doctors.
A Health Professions Council decision on Basson’s ethics will set a precedent on the participation of medical professionals in a range of dubious activities including chemical and biological warfare programmes, covert military operations, the manufacture of illicit drugs like mandrax, and help for security forces that use drugs to subdue opponents.
In short, about using medical knowledge for malicious intent.
These are issues that demand well-informed debate.
The hearing is due to resume in September 2008. When that happens, the council should expect to hear evidence from teams that have done their homework.
The prosecution team has a lot of catching up to do.
Soldiers cleared to march for higher wages Pretoria High Court grants urgent application prohibiting military from denying leave to union members ahead of pay talks Political Correspondent SOLDIERS' right to take part in protest action was reinforced on Tuesday when the Pretoria High Court granted an urgent application prohibiting the military from denying leave to members to participate in legal protest marches.
Lodged by the South African National Defence Union (Sandu), the court ruling came on the eve of planned action meant to push for a negotiated salary increase. The three-day protests, which started yesterday, were scheduled for Kimberley, Polokwane and Bisho. Sandu was also planning to picket army headquarters in Pretoria. The union's court application followed an order by the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) denying leave to members planning to take part in protests. Sandu had argued that this infringed on members' right to engage in legal marches. However, the SANDF maintained the order applied only to a similar protest over salaries two weeks ago.
It argued this was not general policy in the military but was issued only by the infantry division.
Granting the interdict, Judge Aubrey Ledwaba said the order could not be used as the sole basis to deny members leave in the future. It would be unconstitutional to refuse members of Sandu the right to participate in legal protests, he said.
Sandu acting national secretary Pikkie Greeff told Business Day the union was unhappy about an imposed salary increment of 7,5%. Instead, it wanted to engage the military in negotiations for a 19% salary adjustment. Since 2001, Sandu had engaged the SANDF in collective bargaining negotiations. But Greeff said that the military had recently unilaterally withdrawn from negotiations.
Defence department spokesman Sam Mkhwanazi denied this, saying Sandu was represented at a military bargaining council (MBC) meeting four months ago. Before, during or after this meeting, Sandu never tabled the issue of a 19% salary raise with the MBC, Mkhwanazi said.
In addition, he said, while the MBC constitution required equal representation of three members from the employer and a similar number from unions, Sandu was represented by seven members and could not decide on the required three.
Mkhwananzi said Sandu had also not provided proof that it still met the mandatory threshold of 15000 members required before a union could participate in MBC meetings.
At any given time, Sandu has the privilege to request for a MBC meeting to, amongst others, provide proof of such membership, as well as their nominated three representatives, Mkhwanazi said.
The tussle between Sandu and the defence department is the latest skirmish in a long-running dispute. Several court cases have resulted, culminating in a Constitutional Court judgment six months ago which, among other things, prohibited the SANDF from imposing preconditions for bargaining or withdrawing unilaterally from the MBC.
The court also gave the SANDF the right to justifiably limit union activities in instances where such activities could interfere with the military's obligations of protecting the country. However, the Constitutional Court judgment ruled that provided discipline and order were observed, the SANDF could not forbid non-uniformed soldiers from assembling or picketing as private citizens.
Lodged by the South African National Defence Union (Sandu), the court ruling came on the eve of planned action meant to push for a negotiated salary increase.
The three-day protests, which started yesterday, were scheduled for Kimberley, Polokwane and Bisho. Sandu was also planning to picket army headquarters in Pretoria.
The union's court application followed an order by the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) denying leave to members planning to take part in protests.
Sandu had argued that this infringed on members' right to engage in legal marches.
However, the SANDF maintained the order applied only to a similar protest over salaries two weeks ago.
It argued this was not general policy in the military but was issued only by the infantry division.
Granting the interdict, Judge Aubrey Ledwaba said the order could not be used as the sole basis to deny members leave in the future.
"It would be unconstitutional to refuse members of Sandu the right to participate in legal protests," he said.
Sandu acting national secretary Pikkie Greeff told Business Day the union was unhappy about an "imposed" salary increment of 7,5%.
Instead, it wanted to engage the military in negotiations for a 19% salary adjustment.
Since 2001, Sandu had engaged the SANDF in collective bargaining negotiations.
But Greeff said that the military had recently "unilaterally" withdrawn from negotiations.
Defence department spokesman Sam Mkhwanazi denied this, saying Sandu was represented at a military bargaining council (MBC) meeting four months ago.
"Before, during or after this meeting, Sandu never tabled the issue of a 19% salary raise with the MBC," Mkhwanazi said.
In addition, he said, while the MBC constitution required equal representation of three members from the employer and a similar number from unions, Sandu was represented by seven members and could not decide on the required three.
Mkhwananzi said Sandu had also not provided proof that it still met the mandatory threshold of 15000 members required before a union could participate in MBC meetings.
"At any given time, Sandu has the privilege to request for a MBC meeting to, amongst others, provide proof of such membership, as well as their nominated three representatives," Mkhwanazi said.
The tussle between Sandu and the defence department is the latest skirmish in a long-running dispute.
Several court cases have resulted, culminating in a Constitutional Court judgment six months ago which, among other things, prohibited the SANDF from imposing preconditions for bargaining or withdrawing unilaterally from the MBC.
The court also gave the SANDF the right to "justifiably" limit union activities in instances where such activities could interfere with the military's obligations of protecting the country.
However, the Constitutional Court judgment ruled that provided discipline and order were observed, the SANDF could not forbid non-uniformed soldiers from assembling or picketing as private citizens.
The SA National Defence Force Union (Sandu) has threatened to lay a criminal charge against Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota for contravening the Occupational Health and Safety Act.
The union also wants the labour department to take action against the SANDF for non-compliance with occupational health and safety legislation.
This follows an incident at Lohatla military training ground on October 12, in which nine artillery soldiers were killed by a malfunctioning gun.
In a memorandum to the labour department on Wednesday, Sandu acting national secretary Johan Greeff said the incident was clearly one that occurred in the workplace during working hours relating to employees of the SANDF.
The defence department, as an employer, was also subject to the Act.
Despite this, the department failed to report the incident to the labour department as required by law in terms of the Act.
"In fact it is now a matter of public record that the department of labour had to force the SANDF to accept the fact that the former had the legislated right to access and investigate the entire incident and the scene thereof," Greeff said.
"This obstructiveness of the department of defence is merely indicative of the concerning trend within the department of defence to flaunt occupational health and safety legislation requirements."
Another example of its non-compliance was that even though the legislation required one occupational health and safety (OHS) representative for every 50 employees in the workplace, the department did not have that amount of safety representatives, nor did it have the required ratio during the incident at Lohatla.
"In fact, no OHS safety representative was even present at the incident itself," he said.
The SANDF did not provide for any OHS compliment to be part of deployment or training exercises.
This despite soldiers, as workers, being expected to function in an environment "rife with extremely dangerous equipment and situations".
"It is clear that the department of defence simply disregards OHS legislation with impunity and only complies in so far as it suits them and when it suits them. This situation could not be allowed to continue.
"Sandu presents this memorandum to the department of labour to call on you to deal with our concerns in this regard in a swift manner and to the fullest extent of the law.
"You are also informed that Sandu will open a criminal charge against the Minister of Defence for failing to report the Lohatla incident," Greeff said.
Northern Cape police declined to comment on whether a charge against Lekota had been laid by Sandu.
The SA National Defence Force Union (Sandu) has called on the labour department to act swiftly against the SANDF for non-compliance with occupational health and safety legislation.
This follows an incident at Lohatla military training ground on October 12, in which nine artillery soldiers were killed by a malfunctioning gun.
In a memorandum to the department on Wednesday, Sandu acting national secretary Johan Greeff said the incident was clearly an incident that occurred in the workplace during working hours relating to employees of the SANDF.
The defence department, as an employer, was also subject to the Occupational Health and Safety Act.
Despite this, the department failed to report the incident to the labour department as required by law in terms of the Act.
"In fact it is now a matter of public record that the department of labour had to force the SANDF to accept the fact that the former had the legislated right to access and investigate the entire incident and the scene thereof," Greeff said.
"This obstructiveness of the department of defence is merely indicative of the concerning trend within the department of defence to flaunt occupational health and safety legislation requirements."
Another example of its non-compliance was that even though the legislation required one occupational health and safety (OHS) representative for every 50 employees in the workplace, the department did not have that amount of safety representatives, nor did it have the required ratio during the incident at Lohatla.
"In fact, no OHS safety representative was even present at the incident itself," he said.
The SANDF did not provide for any OHS compliment to be part of deployment or training exercises.
This despite soldiers, as workers, being expected to function in an environment "rife with extremely dangerous equipment and situations".
"It is clear that the department of defence simply disregards OHS legislation with impunity and only complies in so far as it suits them and when it suits them.
"This situation can not and should not be allowed to continue.
"Sandu presents this memorandum to the department of labour to call on you to deal with our concerns in this regard in a swift manner and to the fullest extent of the law," Greeff said.
The city offices of a senior air force officer have been damaged in a suspected fire-bomb attack.
The attack on the office of the commander of the Air Force College in Thaba Tshwane comes less than a month after a senior officer was shot and killed and another wounded.
College training co-ordinator Lieutenant-Colonel Authen Stevens (40) was killed when candidate officer Samuel Mandla Madonsela (37) allegedly went on a shooting spree after he was apparently told that he was failing his course. Lieutenant-Colonel Lesgaak Karan was critically injured.
The fire-bomb attack, according to senior staff at the college and in the Military Police, is believed to have occurred early on Monday morning when a device was thrown through the window of the office of college commander Colonel Sebenelo Lembede.
It is believed that a bottle containing petrol and a burnt piece of material were found in the office. A cupboard and curtains were damaged.
Military communication officers have played down any possible link to the shooting incident, saying “it would be speculation”.
But several senior air force personnel believe otherwise.
Only staff and students were on the premises and according to personnel the gates were locked at the time of the attack.
An officer, who asked not to be named, said some people were unhappy about what had happened with the shooting as well as the circumstances that had led up to it.
“This is not just an isolated incident. People are under a lot of pressure here and some are close to ‘snapping’,” he said.
Asked if it had anything to do with racism, the officer said it included that “and beyond”.
“People are upset and they are showing their anger.”
The SA Air Force yesterday confirmed that a case of arson was being investigated. SANDF spokesperson Colonel Petrus Motlhabane said the Military Police were investigating the matter.
The DA firmly believes that the Military Skills Development System (MSDS) is key to the future of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). Moreover, the Mobility/Exit Mechanism, as well as the MSDS, is crucial for any restructuring effort of the SANDF. There are risks associated with restructuring the Department of Defence (DoD), and it is no secret that the DoD has a poor risk management track record.
The success of the restructuring process depends on the success of the MSDS and the current funding being made available to the MSDS means that it is only capable of funding the regulars (fulltime component). The MSDS serves as a feeder system to attract young recruits into the SANDF.
The SANDF was instructed to increase MSDS intake to 10 000 over a two-year period from January 2008, at a cost of R700 million per annum. According to our information, the R700 million has since been further reduced to R100 million per annum.
The reduced funding means that fewer new intakes can be trained. The SANDF is now grappling with recruits who are illiterate and navy recruits who cannot swim. Unless our military starts to set high standards and refuses to compromise with regard to recruits, training and performance, our military will not be able to fulfil its constitutional mandate.
The case against Wouter Basson is not just about his suitability to be on the country’s medical register, it has much greater implications for SA. Chandré Gould and Louise Flanagan report
Can there be any doubt that a medical doctor has overstepped ethical boundaries if he heads a chemical and biological weapons programme?
If that programme also makes assassination weapons and incapacitating agents intended to bolster a regime whose policies were described by the United Nations as a “crime against humanity”, would the case against the doctor not be conclusive?
Apparently not.
If the Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA) case against cardiologist Dr Wouter Basson ends in his acquittal, as seemed quite possible last week, the country’s medical profession will be telling the world there is no ethical conflict between being a medical professional and heading just such a programme.
Last week the HPCSA started hearing six charges of unprofessional conduct against Basson, notorious for his role in the apartheid-era military’s covert chemical and biological warfare (CBW) programme between 1981 and 1993. If the HPCSA finds against Basson, he could be struck from the roll of registered doctors.
Basson is a practising cardiologist in Cape Town.
This week the hearing rapidly turned into a circus, with the prosecution’s star – and only – expert witness crumbling under cross-examination to the point where he could no longer make any coherent criticism of Basson’s ethics.
Medical ethics expert Professor Solomon Benatar of the University of Cape Town told the hearing that Basson should never have involved himself in the CBW programme.
But when forced under cross-examination to comment on specific actions by Basson, frequently in terms of “yes” or “no” answers, Benatar fell apart, made admissions damaging to the prosecution and finally refused to answer.
Legal hearings usually aren’t the place for philosophical academic debates, as Benatar found. Instead they deal with very specific allegations against a very specific person.
Despite the huge publicity around Basson’s lengthy criminal trial on his CBW activities and his acquittal in 2002, Benatar clearly knew very little about the case.
Basson’s advocate, Jaap Cilliers SC, seized the opportunity provided by his opposition’s ignorance to contradict arguments he had made in Basson’s defence during the criminal trial a few years ago.
The 2002 Pretoria High Court ruling in the case against Basson stated quite clearly that while holding the rank of brigadier, Basson was head of an offensive and defensive CBW programme. Yet in the HPCSA hearing Cilliers made the case that not only was Basson merely a junior officer following orders, but that Project Coast – his CBW programme – was only ever intended to be to develop defences against chemical and biological weapons.
The claim that Coast was purely defensive is easily dismissed by documents Basson himself wrote. These are in the public domain and would have been available to Benatar, had he looked for them.
In a 1989 document setting out Coast’s objectives, Basson wrote that these included supporting the offensive and defensive chemical and biological operations of the security forces (overt and covert), and carrying out the military’s own CBW operations.
It will be interesting to see whether former SA Defence Force Surgeon General Niel Knobel, due to give evidence on Basson’s behalf at the HPCSA, recalls his testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission when he described Basson as having the support of the Cabinet and SADF as head of the programme and that, as surgeon general, it was “quite impossible to begin to question the way he (Basson) carries out his dealings. His word was accepted”.
In a characteristic twisting of the truth, Basson claimed in his plea explanation to the HPCSA that he had been put on early retirement in 1993 by then president FW de Klerk, then in 1995 appointed in the SANDF on the instructions of then president Nelson Mandela, creating the impression that his credentials were acceptable to Mandela.
The fact is that, according to former United States Ambassador Princeton Lyman, who was part of a joint delegation from the US and Britain to the SA government, the US and Britain urged the government to re-employ Basson because they were concerned that he was sharing information about chemical and biological weapons with Libya in the early 1990s.
In Lyman’s words: “The South Africans agreed to rehire him as a way to stop his foreign travels and keep him under wraps. As he was a cardiac surgeon, he was hired back into the military in that capacity, a decision that would later cause Mandela some embarrassment, but that was the only recourse that appeared practical at the time.”
As head of Project Coast, Basson created the conditions under which the scientists working in Coast’s front companies would believe that developing assassination weapons, and providing security-force operators with poisons, would meet with his approval.
Basson has freely admitted to the HPCSA that he provided cyanide capsules for SADF operators to commit suicide if caught behind enemy lines.
That is inconsistent with ethical medical practice but Benatar struggled to criticise Basson for this.
Basson also confirmed providing drugs to subdue victims of international abductions – a matter which the inept Benatar seemed unable to denounce as unequivocally unethical.
How difficult could it be for him to criticise a doctor who, using his medical skills, helps in an illegal raid into another country?
The hearing collapsed after a day, with prosecution leader advocate Marius Helberg SC begging for a postponement to look for a more useful expert, admitting that all the defence would have to do was say it agreed with Benatar and leave it at that to ensure Basson’s acquittal.
How did the inquiry reach such a point?
Simple: one team has been incompetent, the other not.
As a morning’s entertainment, it may have been amusing. As a precedent-setting case for the medical profession, it was appalling.
The hearing is not just about whether Basson is fit to be retained on the medical register of doctors.
An HPCSA decision on Basson’s ethics will set a precedent on the participation of medical professionals in a range of dubious activities including CBW programmes, covert military operations, the manufacture of illicit drugs like mandrax, and help for security forces who use drugs to subdue opponents.
In short, about using medical knowledge for malicious intent.
These are issues which demand well-informed debate.
The hearing is now due to resume in September 2008. When that happens, the council should expect to hear evidence from teams that have done their homework.
The prosecution team has a lot of catching up to do.
nDr Chandré Gould is a senior researcher at the Institute for Security Studies.
François est trop chou... je ne peux pas résister! Ca tout le monde avait compris... lol C'est amusant, en Afrique du Sud, il y a beaucoup de noms et de prénoms français. Mais pour la prononciation... laissez tomber. lol
L'Afrique du Sud, c'est le bordel... Le tirage au sort des éliminatoires pour la Coupe du monde 2010, qui a lieu dimanche 25 novembre à Durban, est l'occasion pour la Fédération internationale (FIFA) de faire le point sur l'avancée des travaux. Pour le moment, " aucun voyant n'est au rouge ", affirme le secrétaire général, Jérôme Valcke, ce qui n'empêche pas certaines inquiétudes.
Quoi???? à Durban???? les bras m'en tombent.... Pour moi, Durban, c'est le pire de l'Afrique du Sud, les gens sont racistes et méchants... et c'est d'ailleurs là que je me suis fait piquer mon sac et qu'au commissariat, les flics m'ont parlé uniquement en zoulou, et ont refusé de me parler anglais... Je DETESTE Durban. Et ce serait génial si Durban pouvait disparaître de la surface de la terre... lol
(Suite)
J'ai rencontré à Prétoria des italiens super sympas... Les voici. Nous avons passé de super bons moments pendant la coupe du monde. Bon, laura a essayé de draguer un français pendant la finale... j'ai eu beau lui dire que c'était une très très très mauvaise idée, elle n'a rien voulu savoir et s'est donc pris un rateau...
Laura, Alessandra et Nino
Seven more people received minor injuries.
The SA National Defence Force (SANDF) said in a statement that the Oryx helicopter was carrying 19 people when it crashed about 11.40am near the Lesotho border.
On board were 14 police officers, two SANDF members and three SAAF helicopter crew. The police officer died at the scene.
The injured were flown to Bloemfontein’s Pelonomi Hospital.
Ronald Maseko, of the Department of Defence in Pretoria, said the SANDF and the police were occupied with a routine border control operation when the helicopter went down.
Details of the injuries were not available immediately.
“According to the doctors at Pelonomi Hospital, our men are being kept in hospital to ascertain that they did not receive any serious injuries,” Maseko said.
“At this stage, I cannot comment on the extent or if any of them have been released from hospital.”
Maseko did not say where the dead police officer or the injured were from, but it was believed they were from the Bloemfontein area.
It is also believed that the SAAF helicopter crew were from the Bloemspruit air base, just outside of Bloemfontein.
A reporter at the scene said the helicopter crashed and capsized onto its side on a low hill about 20 metres on the Lesotho side of the border, which is marked by fence posts.
The tail had sheared off and was lying several metres from the chopper.
Other pieces of wreckage, including a set of wheels, were scattered in a radius of about 60 metres around the fuselage.
A thousand extra law enforcement officers will be deployed across KwaZulu-Natal to boost security for the 2010 World Cup preliminary draw.
Most of them will be in Durban, where the draw takes place on Sunday.
Fifa President Sepp Blatter is expected to arrive in Durban today and KwaZulu-Natal Premier S’bu Ndebele will be on hand to welcome Blatter to the province, according to a statement released by his office.
The provincial cabinet was briefed yesterday by the SAPS and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) on security arrangements in Durban during the four days Blatter will be in the city.
The NIA and police reported that security had been boosted in all the areas where activities around the draw would take place, including hotels, the Durban International Airport and the International Convention Centre, where the draw would take place.
Security has also been tightened at designated public viewing areas in Pietermaritzburg, Newcastle, Esikhawini, Harding and Ladysmith.
Security deployment has been completed around the Durban beach where a huge party will be held tomorrow. There will be patrols at nightclubs and casinos.
A number of events have been planned, including the world premier tomorrow of the film More than just a Game, about a football association that organised football games among the prisoners on Robben Island.
On Saturday there will be a site visit to the 2010 Moses Mabhida Stadium before Kaizer Chiefs take on Orlando Pirates in the afternoon.
Police Director Phindile Radebe said planning for the draw started two months ago and joint plans were put in place by the police, metro police, SANDF, Road Traffic Inspectorate, 2010 Local Organising Committee and several government departments.
All these units would contribute towards the extra officers.
“Intensive air, foot and vehicle patrols will be undertaken and rapid response teams will be placed at strategic places to deal with any kind of situation,” said Radebe.
Additional personnel would be deployed at tourist destinations.
Police reservists would also be called up.
Radebe was confident these measures would be sufficient to guarantee Police Commissioner Jackie Selebi’s promise that nobody would become a victim of crime during the weekend’s events.
Metro police Senior Superintendent Thozamile Tyala said they were ready for the events.
“It will be a challenge, but with the partnership and collaboration we have developed with Durbanites, business communities and sister departments, it will be a success,” he said.
The force would handle traffic flow and manage parking.
Metro police officers would conduct patrols along identified routes and manage major intersections at the weekend.
Tyala said special courts would deal with traffic offenders.
Local Organising Committee boss Danny Jordaan reassured journalists yesterday that delegates attending the draw had nothing to fear.
“The level of security is very high. We have worked hard to make sure everyone attending the draw can celebrate in safety.
“We have hosted many major sporting events ... we haven’t had a single incident in 13 years of hosting world sporting events.”
The head of Fifa media operations, Alain Lieblang, said South Africa was perceived as unsafe, particularly in European countries.
“The draw has to be absolutely perfect. We want to send a strong message to the international community that South Africa is capable of hosting a safe World Cup in 2010.”
All the major hotels were booked to capacity for the weekend, said Federated Hospitality Association of SA spokesperson Gerhard Patzer said.
It was also likely that bed and breakfast establishments would be full.
The article “Navy frigates benefit local companies to tune of R860m” in the Cape Times (November 16) stated that South African defence industries have benefited to the value of R860 million from the four Valour-class frigates bought as part of the arms deal package.
Two articles on the Navy website state that the South African Navy tested four Exocet missiles fired from the frigates in June and November 2007.
In a reply to a recent parliamentary question to the minister of defence, the Democratic Alliance (DA) learnt that E27.8m was paid for 17 Exocet surface-to-surface missiles for use on the four Valour frigates. In rands, this amounts to approximately R270 772m – just for the missiles.
The 17 Exocet missiles were divided into six Block 1- and 11 Block 2- type missiles.
Four of the six Block 1 missiles have been fired in tests, leaving only two Block 1 missiles for all four ships. On the basis of available figures, each missile cost the South African taxpayer approximately R16m. In other words, a total of approximately R64m has been spent on tests.
While it may be the case that defence industries are benefiting from the equipment bought in the arms deal, it must also be recognised that the equipment itself is very expensive to maintain and keep operational over the medium to long term.
The DA has always maintained that spending vast amounts of money on the SANDF should not be a priority when there are so many other pressing needs. However, our Navy is now left with two Block 1 missiles and 11 Block 2 missiles, and will have to re-arm the vessels at additional cost. Apparently none of the Block 2 missiles have been tested yet.
The DA will be questioning the minister of defence on the following:
l What are the costs of each missile?
l How many Block 1 and Block 2 missiles will be used for routine testing on an annual basis, and how often will they be replaced and at what cost?
l What type of missiles are tested and how many remain after each test?
l Are new missiles going to be purchased to replace the ones used for testing in 2007, and if so, what are the relevant details?
l Are there any plans to test the Block 2 missiles?
l What are the projected maintenance and operational costs of the frigates and other arms deal equipment over the next five, 10 and 15 years respectively?
l Which companies benefit from the offsets, and by how much?
François, tu es mon sud-africain préféré!!!! J'ai même l'intention de me mettre au rugby... c'est dire...
Tu sais, je n'ai jamais été aussi heureux que ce matin-là. Nous marchions
Sur une plage, un peu comme celle-ci. C'était l'automne, un automne où il
Faisait beau, une saison qui n'existe pas ici.
Là-bas on l'appelle l'été indien, mais c'était tout simplement le nôtre.
Et je me souviens, oui je me souviens très bien de ce que je
T'ai dit ce matin-là, il y a un an, un siècle, une éternité...
On ira où tu voudras, quand tu voudras,
Et l'on s'aimera encore lorsque l'amour sera mort.
Toute la vie sera pareille à ce matin
Aux couleurs de l'été indien.
Aujourd'hui je suis très loin de ce matin d'automne, mais c'est comme si
J'y étais. Je pense à toi, où es-tu, que fais-tu, est-ce que j'existe
Encore pour toi... Je regarde cette vague qui n'atteindra jamais la dune.
Tu vois, comme elle, je reviens en arrière, comme elle,
Je me couche sur la sable. Et je me souviens, je me souviens des marées
Hautes, du soleil et du bonheur qui passaient sur la mer il y a une
Éternité, un siècle, il y a un jour...
Voilà François... oui, je sais, je suis une perverse...
Vous me manquez tous. J'ai un peu la nostalgie de ma ville. Il y a tellement longtemps que je ne suis pas rentrée...Alors je regarde cette photo et je me dis qu'il est temps que je rentre... Je travaille trop ici...
South Africa spent more on providing water than it did on defence, Finance Minister Trevor Manuel said yesterday as he defended the government’s decision to spend more than R200 million on missiles.
“We are one of a handful of countries in the world that spends less than 2% of the GDP on its defence capability and we are one of four countries in the world that spends more on the provision of water than what we do on defence,” he told the National Assembly.
Manuel was levelling his guns at DA MP Eddie Trent, who in a member’s statement in the House was critical of the government’s decision to spend about R272 million on buying 17 defence missiles.
Manuel said the constitution compelled the government to have a defence force and to equip it with sophisticated weapons.
Trent had asked why the government saw fit to spend R16 million on each missile in order to arm the navy’s four Valour frigates to blow up old fishing vessels.
“In addition, the SANDF has spent approximately R999 090 million on the first phase of a missile defence system that could escalate into more billions,” Trent said.
He also raised concern that Thales Air Defence was one of the system’s suppliers despite having been implicated in the arms deal scandal.
“Please, Mr Minister, with whom are we at war?”
But Manuel reminded the DA that the strategic defence procurement package rose from the defence review, which had been supported by all parties in the National Assembly.
A police officer was killed and eight others seriously injured in an SA Air Force helicopter crash in the Free State on Wednesday, the military said.
Seven other people suffered minor injuries.
The SA National Defence Force (SANDF) said in a statement the Oryx helicopter was carrying 19 people when it crashed around 11.40am near the Lesotho border.
On board were 14 police officers, two SANDF members and three SA Air Force helicopter crew.
A police officer died on the scene.
The injured were being airlifted to Bloemfontein's Pelonomi Hospital.
Police spokesman Superintendent Sam Makhele earlier said the aircraft was patrolling the Lesotho border when it crashed, about 30km south of Wepener.
A Sapa reporter at the scene said the helicopter fell on its side on a small hill about 20 metres into the Lesotho side of the border, marked by fence posts.
The tail had broken off and was lying several metres from the chopper.
Other pieces of wreckage, including a set of wheels, were scattered about 60 metres around the fuselage of the helicopter.
The entire area had been cordoned off with yellow police tape.
South African police had left the scene by 5pm, and three Lesotho defence force members were standing guard. Soldiers were also to keep watch over the crash site through the night.
It WAS interesting to read in the Cape Times (November 16) that South Africa has indeed gained some financial benefit (R860 million and still counting) from the defence industrial participation in the acquisition of the four Valour Class frigates. However, on the more “intan-gible” side, I submit that there are indeed other, equally important benefits.
First, notwithstanding the statements from the likes of Patricia de Lille and Terry Crawford-Browne to the effect that we paid too much for these ships, we in fact got them at an incredibly “reduced” price.
Possibly this was due to the fact that South Africa was very much the “flavour of the month” at the time. Nevertheless other countries purchasing similar displacement frigates have paid for an individual ship very nearly what we paid for all four, and others buying ships less than half the size and complexity of ours have had to pay nearly as much as we did.
Not only did we get them at an excellent price, we also got excellent ships.
This has come out not only in the report from the operational sea training very successfully completed by the first of the class, SAS Amatola, in the UK, but also from other navies that have visited, exercised with them and sent personnel to sea on them.
I sincerely believe that any accusation that we did not get the best price and the best quality in this purchase is simply sour grapes politicking, or comes from those who would be anti anything that the SANDF does anyway.
I also understand that at the completion of the contract the total cost was kept within, or very close to the original contracted price agreed to some eight or nine years ago and that this contract has been paid for from within the Navy’s own budget. Now anyone who can achieve that has done exceedingly well. To go back in history to the days when inflation was less than 1% a year, the cost of the project to build the three President Class frigates purchased as part of the Simon’s Town Agreement increased in price by 50% or more over a similar time span.
We also tend to run down what the Navy is actually achieving. Let us not forget that in the 1960s the Navy barely managed to keep two frigates in commission; today we are managing to keep all four of the new frigates in fully operational commission and they are showing our flag all over the world.
I would like to say well done to the men and women who run our Navy and especially those who ran this project: we are all very proud of you.
Rear Admiral Chris Bennett
Quand Sam est venu me voir à Prétoria il y a deux semaines, nous sommes allés passer quatre jours dans une réserve dans le nord. J'avais demandé à Stefan de venir mais comme d'habitude, il a préféré faire autre chose. Bref, tout ça pour dire que lui sur la photo c'était MON garde... je dis bien MON: grand (près de deux mètres), les yeux bleus et très fort comme vous pouvez le voir sur la photo. Bref, si je n'étais pas une fille aussi sérieuse... J'avais vraiment l'air d'une puce à côté de MON garde, qui avait l'air d'adorer les petites brunes avec un accent français. Quel dommage qu'il habite aussi loin de Cape Town. Il avait toutefois un petit défaut: il était beau et il sentait bon le sable chaud, mais il parlait mal anglais et il était ausi beau que bête. ou l'inverse. Mais bon, ce fut très agréable de voir le soleil se lever à ses côtés et surtout, je me suis dit que cela ferait baver les copines... pas vrai les filles? J'ai l'impression que les mecs sud-africains sont plus beaux que les français? Où est-ce parce qu'ils sont différents? Je les adore...
SUMMARY
Violent crime is a major problem, and remains a serious concern for businesses and individuals. South Africa heads a number of international cross-country comparisons of crime, such as the number of murders per capita. Much of the crime is gratuitous: victims are often shot during a simple robbery, with no apparent motive. Car-jacking is also a major concern both in urban areas and when driving between cities. The security industry in South Africa is well-developed, and many foreign firms employ sophisticated monitoring and alarm systems. Aside from crime, there are few other major security risks in the country. South Africa is not engaged in armed conflict with any of its neighbours, and has no active secessionist movements.
SCENARIOS
Executives fall victim to violent crime (High Risk)
The crime rate in South Africa has risen to high levels in recent years, and violent crimes against both expatriates and local residents are a major problem. The crime problem is exacerbated by poverty levels which run along racial lines. Although the government has stepped up its efforts to improve the country’s security environment, which also includes international assistance, progress to date has been slow. Many in the police are inexperienced, poorly trained and corrupt; the institution itself cannot be relied upon to enforce the law adequately and to protect the public. As a result, expatriates are strongly advised to take the necessary security precautions at home and at work. For instance, the use of electric fences and gates, high walls, and installation of security alarms, which are directly connected to private security companies with their own rapid response teams, are some of the measures available to both expatriates and local residents. Other measures for residential properties include security gates that separate sleeping and living areas; burglars are thereby restricted to areas of a house with obvious material possessions to steal, limiting the chance of a violent encounter with residents. Some expatriates may wish to rent houses in a guarded compound, an increasingly attractive option. Businesses should consider using video surveillance systems to identify criminals.
Executives are subject to crime while using the country’s motorways (High Risk)
Car-jackings in South Africa are common and doors should be locked at all times when driving. The motorways are favoured targets: drivers, especially in remote areas, should never stop at accidents, which are often staged to carry out robberies. Companies should advise staff of “no-go" areas in major towns. It is advisable not to stop at red lights at certain notorious road junctions late at night (consult with a local security agency for locations). Businesses and individuals may also wish to install remote tracking devices in cars. Companies should implement appropriate training programmes for their staff on how best to react in a robbery or a car hijacking, and on how to avoid confrontation and violence.
Government will do more to tackle crime and security (High Risk)
Critics of the government's allegedly weak crime policies kept up the pressure in March with simultaneous anti-crime rallies in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban--led by the Victims in the Republic of South Africa (Virsa)--which attracted several thousand people, accompanied by the collection of a 200,000- signature (and rising) petition calling for firmer official action against insecurity. At the very least, it is positive that the government no longer views the crime debate as an irritant but as a serious policy issue. Citing overall crime statistics, Mr Mbeki pointed to steady improvement in crime levels, but closer analysis shows that violent crimes against the person have increased and official targets are nowhere near to being met. Both South Africans and foreign visitors are uneasy, with a recent tourism industry survey pointing to tens of thousands of potential visitors being deterred by the levels of crime. Unluckily for the president, his January comments coincided with the killing of several prominent people--including a famous historian, David Rattray (shot during an armed burglary) and, somewhat ironically, a leader of the Business Against Crime movement, Alan MacKenzie. These and other killings have sparked widespread shock. Moreover, the crime issue has expanded from being linked to the "white" racial group--after all, most victims of violent crime are black. Some data show that South Africa has the third-worst crime rate in the world, approximately 50 times worse than that of the UK and 13 times worse than that of the US. Mindful of the need to show a commitment to tackling crime in the build-up to the 2010 football World Cup, some progress is expected to be made, but will not be made overnight.
BACKGROUND
(Updated: September 14th, 2007)
Armed Conflict
There is currently little prospect of an external threat to South Africa's security. The challenge for the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) in recent years has been to integrate the former liberation movements while reducing its own manpower. As there is no foreign threat to South Africa, the future role of the SANDF is likely to be restricted to regional peacekeeping and emergency relief operations.
Terrorism
There are a number of militant Islamic groups in the Western Cape, including Qibla and an affiliate of PAGAD, Muslims against Illegitimate Leaders, some of which are reported to have links with Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida international terrorist network. However, no incidents have occurred since the terrorist attacks in the US on September 11th 2001.
Civil Unrest
Political violence has decreased sharply. Most of the political violence of recent years has been in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng, where conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) has claimed the lives of 14,000-20,000 people since 1984. There are still sporadic outbursts of political violence in KwaZulu-Natal, but these are quickly controlled.
Street Crime [you only took the first para of Violent crime from the CP? The 3 black paras below were updated also]
More than 300 murders and violent attacks take place daily in South Africa, making it, along with Iraq and Colombia, one of the three most dangerous countries in the world. Economic and social tensions are responsible for a high level of criminal violence in South Africa. Crime in Gauteng has adversely affected businesses, which have steadily moved away from Johannesburg's central business district into well-to-do suburbs such as Sandton. Organised business funds a body called Business Against Crime, which monitors and assists in combating crime at the local level. The high level of crime is perceived to be one of the obstacles to economic growth; however, studies of foreign investors' attitudes to crime present a mixed picture.
Crime in the Western Cape has centred mainly in the poorer Cape Flats region, which has been plagued by organised and armed gangs. A study by the World Health Organisation in 1995 showed that South Africa had one of the highest murder rates in the world, although this has declined recently. According to the 2003 edition of the Small Arms Survey, a report by a Geneva-based organisation, about 30m small arms are in circulation in Sub-Saharan Africa (one weapon for every 20 people). Rates of rape, robbery, hijacking and burglary are also extremely high, although kidnapping and extortion are rare. A sign that the government is not being complacent about crime is the increase in real terms of budget allocations: safety and security spending is earmarked to rise from R41m (US$6.7bn) for fiscal year 2005/06 (April-March) to R46.6bn. Although police statistics have become a political football, the official figures are corroborated by independent studies conducted by the Institute of Security Studies and the South African Insurance Association. According to claims submitted to insurance companies, crime increased between 1994 and 2002, stabilised in 2003 and decreased in 2004. The industry felt that generally there was a substantial improvement, but the Institute of Security Studies pointed out that certain types of crime (mainly sexual or aggravated assault) were normally under-reported.
The rate of politically motivated murder has fallen from the peak in 1993. Part of South Africa’s susceptibility to violence stems from the historical legacy of apartheid and the violent society that this created, as well as the high level of gun ownership. It also reflects the fact that crimes can be committed with a degree of impunity, as the chances of being caught are low. In addition, South Africa has one of the most unequal distributions of income in the world; on the one hand, it has the affluence and sophistication of gleaming shopping centres and, on the other, levels of poverty associated with developing countries.
Such inequality is an important factor behind crime in the new South Africa. So too are the rapid influx of people into urban areas since the early 1990s (including people from neighbouring countries), the high level of unemployment and the difficult transformation taking place in the police service and the criminal justice system. The challenges facing the 130,000-strong South African Police Service are formidable, and it is not uncommon for businesses and residents in more affluent suburbs to employ private armed security firms.
Drug Smuggling and Organised Crime
The opening up of South Africa to the global economy has caused an increase in the activities of domestic and international crime syndicates. Even though elite special forces (the Scorpions) have been created and have operated successfully in areas such as the Western Cape, the underlying tensions and constraints are difficult to resolve, and crime is unlikely to fall dramatically in the near future. There was a spate of bombings in Cape Town in 1999-2000, attributed to a vigilante group, People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), which was formed in response to the ineffectual policing of crime in the Cape Flats by the official authorities. However, PAGAD itself became involved in criminal activities and acts of criminal violence. The arrest of most of the leaders of the group put an end to its activities.
SUMMARY
The political outlook for South Africa is positive. The president, Thabo Mbeki, has fully consolidated his power base within the ruling African National Congress (ANC), and is expected to face little or no opposition from within the party ranks. However, there could be a power struggle within the party between the supporters of Mr Mbeki and his technocratic approach to government and the populist faction on the left, the outcome of which could determine whether the South African Communist Party (SACP) decides to contest the 2009 elections in its own right. The ANC will continue to conflate state and party, and state-owned media and public funds will be used to advance its electoral image. Pressure to tackle some of the socioeconomic problems, including pronounced income inequality, high unemployment, severe skills shortages, high crime rate, and the deepening HIV/AIDS crisis, is expected to mount in 2008.
(Suite)Maman, grand-maman, mes amis, toute ma famille, vous allez être ravis: il y a un garçon qui m'intéresse!!! Je sais, MIRACLE!!!
Il s'appelle Stéfan, et plus je le connais, plus je l'apprécie... Sortez le champagne et faites la fête. Aucun détail qui tue et ça fait deux mois que je le connais. Il a une très jolie voix et il est gentil. Il est intelligent, plein d'humour etc... Voilà sa photo. Qu'en pensez-vous? Oui, je sais dans le style grand blond aux yeux bleus... on fait mieux! lol Mais c'est un amour, je l'adore! (pardon François...)
Nearly half of the country’s soldiers will embark on massive protest action in the next two weeks to try to force the Ministry of Defence to acknowledge the vital role of the military.
This comes after members of the SANDF belonging to the SA National Defence Union (Sandu) and the SA Security Forces Union (Sasfu) expressed dissatisfaction at the “scandalous” manner in which their unions have been treated by the ministry.
About 300 Sandu members marched to the Union Buildings yesterday demanding that they be recognised and have their grievances heard.
They bemoaned the ministry’s indifference when dealing with them and said this was contradictory to the constitution.
Their campaign, named the “14 days of activism against the abuse of the rights of soldiers as workers”, will consist of protest marches and pickets at military bases.
The unions were also planning nationwide petitions to highlight their plight, said Sandu acting national secretary Pikkie Greeff.
Yesterday union members were bused in from Mpumalanga, Gauteng and Limpopo. They gathered at the city centre before proceeding to the Union Buildings.
Among their demands was a 19% salary increase and better communication between the military unions and the ministry. Sandu also demanded that Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota resign, as he was an “incompetent deadwood”.
According to the unions, the Defence Department denies their members the right to hold meetings during working hours or to conduct elections for their structure.
Soldiers are also prevented from taking part in protest actions.
Sam Mkhwanazi, Lekota’s spokesperson, accepted the marchers’ memorandum on behalf of President Thabo Mbeki, the military’s commander in chief.
Responding to the demands, Mkhwanazi said: “They are a union and like any other they can hold meetings, but it is up to their management to decide on how they communicate with the unions on these arrangements.”
About 33 maintenance court documents – which still have to be served on people – have been found in a dustbin in the city centre.
The Justice Department and the Pretoria magistrate’s court promised an investigation would be launched into how these documents, mostly orders for payments, ended up in a dustbin in Pretorius Street, between Andries and Van der Walt streets.
Chief magistrate Desmond Nair was concerned that “orders that have an impact on bread-and-butter issues” had not been served and instead had ended up as rubbish.
These documents, sent from courts as far as Bloemfontein, Aliwal North, Cullinan, Mmabatho, Kuruman and the Sekhukhune district municipality, were found last week by a homeless man, Derek van Breda von Bellville.
The papers were folded and tied with an elastic band. He brought them to the Pretoria News.
The documents consist of notices to employers to make payments on behalf of persons against whom maintenance orders were made. The employers include the Department of Correctional Services, the SAPS and the SANDF.
There were also subpoenas for people to appear in court in December. There was even a summons in a criminal case for someone who had failed to pay maintenance.
Most of the documents were issued in late October. They bore stamps of the Pretoria magistrate’s office. It was yesterday explained that if a person in another area applied for maintenance from someone in Pretoria, the court there would send these orders to the Pretoria court’s general office, where the orders were stamped, numbered and noted in a register.
The sheriffs of the various areas then fetched it from the court and served the orders.
Once the sheriff had served the documents on a person, they must get a “return of service receipt”, proving the court papers had been delivered to the correct person.
After the Pretoria News took the papers to the court, it was established that these specific documents, although stamped, had not been recorded in the register or allocated to a sheriff.
It appeared these documents went missing from the desk of the clerk of the general office while the clerk was processing them.
Court personnel were upset when they heard about the incident.
The papers were taken to Nair. He said the matter had to be investigated and sorted out urgently.
Because these papers were found soon enough, they can still be sent to the sheriff. Those who were subpoenaed to appear in court would also not be in trouble, as a magistrate would not issue a warrant of arrest without proof that the person did received the summons.
Dr Ann Skelton of the Centre for Child Law at the University of Pretoria said: “This raises questions regarding the security at court. There seems to be a level of carelessness in the administration of court documents.”
Heinrich Augustyn of the Justice Department described the incident as shocking and said an investigation would be launched.
Grand-Maman,
Grand-Maman, je t'aime!!! Voilà, je voulais le dire. Je te l'ai dit des milliards de fois mais c'est bien connu, quand on aime on ne compte pas!!! Alors, je t'aime, je t'aime, je t'aime, je t'aime, je t'aime, je t'aime, je t'aime, je taime...
Je t'imagine en train de lire ce message, de sourire et de verser une larme. je te connais si bien grand-maman. Tu es si douce, si gentille. Tu n'es qu'amour.
Ma Grand-Mère adorée qui est d'une générosité sans limite. Elle plaint tout le monde. Sa générosité ne se limite pas à ceux qu'elle connaît ou cotoie mais s'adresse à tous. Ma Grand-Mère adorée qui dit qu'il ne faut pas s'inquièter de sa propre vie, mais piur toutes les vies de la terre; car la vie est la même pour tous et partout.
Tu dis toujours que tu ne sais ien, que tu n'as pas fait d'études etc... Mais tu sais l'essentiel, tout ce quaucun livre n'enseignera jamais, tout ce que seul un bon coeur peut savoir. je dois tenir ma simplicité et ma modestie de toi. maisnous savons bien ce qui est important... Tout passe, tout est éphémère. seul l'amour authentique reste. Mais comment expliquer l'amour à ceux qui calculent avant d'aimer?
Je te remercie de m'avoir donné une enfance merveilleuse, que je garde enfouie tout au fond de mon coeur. A l'instant où j'écris ces mots, je pense à ta maison, cette maison où je suis si heureuse. Si je pousse par la pensée la porte de cette antre sacrée, je sens encore l'odeur qui y régnait: un mélange de café, de pain d'épice, de poêle qui chauffait, de tilleul. Alors, j'ai 5 ans. Un privilège que je m'offre de temps en temps, quand le tourbillon de la vie m'emporte et que j'ai besoin de me souvenir d'où je viens, afin de prendre des décisions supposées capitales mais dont la gravité ne résiste pas au réflexe de ce simple recul.
Je te remercie Grand-Maman d'exister en ce monde où les personnes comme toi sont si rares.
Tout ça pour te dire Grand-Maman que je taime... voilà, tout le monde le sait! Liebe Oma, danke für alles...
(Suite)
Two Sandu men had sought to challenge what they viewed as a deliberate exclusion of union officials from the three-day regional conference, which was also closed to the media.
The Institute for Security Studies has estimated that the HIV infection rate among troops in SA is one in five.
"It's beyond us how the conference can go ahead without the unions," said Pikkie Greeff, acting national secretary of Sandu. He saw the exclusion as an attempt to cover up the extent of HIV prevalence in the military.
Greeff accused the defence force management of not having the "skills and know-how" to deal with military trade unions. He said without trade union representation at the conference, ordinary members were unable to speak out for fear of victimisation.
"It's simply a question of ignoring military trade unions and hoping they will go away," Greeff said.
Defence department spokesman Sam Mkhwananzi said, however, that union officials had simply not been invited.
"We get so many department of defence conferences; have they ever said they wanted to attend? People are there because they have been invited," he said.
No invitation was sent to officials of the other military union, the South African Security Forces Union (Sasfu).
"We are very surprised that we were not consulted," said Sasfu president Bhekinkosi Mvovo.
Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, together with Deputy Defence Minister Mluleki George, were among those who addressed the conference, which ends today .
Its aim was to consider strategies for dealing with the AIDS pandemic, especially the strengthening of multisectoral and military partnerships.
The AIDS pandemic is seen as a major threat to the combat readiness of troops, particularly in southern Africa where prevalence among soldiers was often higher than in the general population.
Both Sandu and Sasfu accused the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) of pursuing AIDS policies unfair to serving members while not alleviating a shortage of noncombat skills. The SANDF has denied this .
SA has about 3000 troops deployed on different peacekeeping missions, mainly in Africa. Members are also routinely sent overseas for studies.
KING Goodwill Zwelithini and Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) leader Dr Mangosuthu have become targets for brazen stock criminals who allegedly smuggle stolen cattle to neighbouring countries Swaziland and Lesotho.
Zwelithini has lost 48 cattle and Buthelezi more than 10, with nine having been stolen in the past two weeks.
The escalating phenomenon has raised fears that KwaZulu-Natal could soon find itself with a severe shortage of red meat if the problem of stock theft in the province is not urgently addressed.
According to the National Stock Theft Forum, stock theft in South Africa amounted to more than R300 million in the past year.
Close to 10 000 cases of stock theft have been reported in KZN alone.
The police said 850 cases went to court, with 326 having been successfully prosecuted.
Speaking exclusively to the Daily News from his Nkonjeni home at the weekend, Buthe-lezi said the escalating stock theft made him wonder whether to continue breeding cattle.
Neighbouring
“Just two weeks ago, thieves stole nine of my cattle. There is a huge problem now. I have not seen anything like this since 1994,” he said.
Although some stock end up in the country, most of the stolen cattle are smuggled to the neighbouring countries such as Swaziland and Lesotho.
The chairman of the KwaZulu-Natal Red Meat Producers’ Association, Herman de Wet, has warned that stock smuggled to Lesotho and Swaziland had the potential to cripple the meat farming industry.
He said the situation became worse when the military commando units were closed down a few years ago.
“The withdrawal of members of the SANDF on the Lesotho border has exacerbated the situation. Criminals just smuggle stock without fear of being arrested,” he said.
“We do not know if we must continue breeding or we should just give up. What worries me is the fact that most of the cases are never solved,” De Wet said. Spokesman for the provincial Department of Agriculture and Environmental Affairs Mbulelo Baloyi said the department was taking the issue very seriously.
“The minister has had meetings with people involved in the industry with the purpose of dealing with the problem,” he said.
They also urged South African soldiers to take personal responsibility to ensure the defense force "AIDS free," where current HIV prevalence was however estimated to be over 20 percent.
South African Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka told a conference in Pretoria, the South African capital, on Monday that prevention was the best tool to fight the disease that could affect the combat readiness of the South African Defense Force ( SANDF).
She likened the killer disease to colonialism and apartheid the country had endured and fought against, South African media reported.
"As Africans we faced many adversaries, we faced colonialism, we fought apartheid together and many other enemies that threatened the continent; it's important that we take the same attitude in this case," she was quoted as speaking at the first International Department of Defense HIV and AIDS Conference by the SAPA news agency.
The SANDF estimated in 2004 that the extent of HIV/AIDS among its soldiers stands at 23 percent. The estimate was based on tests conducted on personnel being assessed for deployment on foreign peace-keeping missions.
With about 5.5 million HIV carriers among a total population of 48 million, South Africa has one of the worst HIV/AIDS epidemics in the world.
VI Ramlakan, Surgeon General of the Department of Defense, said South Africa carries about 10 percent of the global HIV infection figure, while it has just below 1 percent of the world's population.
Besides the armed forces, 16 percent of health workers and 13 percent of teachers were infected by the disease in South Africa, the governmental news service BuaNews reported on Monday.
One challenge facing the SANDF was that they recruited primarily out of the sexually active age group of 18-to-21-year- olds, said Mlambo-Ngcuka, who is also chair of the South African National AIDS Council.
"The Defense Force needs to be concerned about this age group. The SANDF however should not deny a person entry into the defense force because they are infected," she said.
Another challenge, she said, was that when out on deployment, soldiers may be tempted to expose themselves to unnecessary risks.
She was referring to some United Nations peacekeepers who have been accused of sexually related offenses whilst on peacekeeping duty in Africa.
Deputy Minister of Defense Mluleki George said the SANDF had prioritized the troops' fitness and healthy lifestyle, instilled high levels of discipline and a sense of distinguishing right from wrong.
"This conference is part of our continuing efforts to ensure that we impart and share relevant and helpful knowledge to our members on issues relating to HIV and AIDS and the impact therefore on their combat-readiness," he said.
Addressing members of the South African Defence Force (SANDF), at the first International Department of Defence HIV and AIDS Conference, Monday, she said the conference will investigate the impact of the disease on the combat readiness of the SANDF.
The conference took place under the theme, an AIDS Free Defence Force. Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka said whilst prevention should be the primary focus of government, appropriate treatment and the fight against the stigma of the disease must also be priorities. One challenge facing the Defence Force said the Deputy President was that they recruited primarily out of the sexually active age group of 18 to 21-year-olds.
"The Defence Force needs to be concerned about this age group. The SANDF however should not deny a person entry into the defence force because they are infected," said Ms Mlambo-Ngcuka, adding, "we know a lot more about the disease now than we did in the beginning, and a person can live a long life with the disease."
Another challenge she said, was that when out on deployment, soldiers may be tempted to expose themselves to unnecessary risks.
"We know that people will be lonely and that people are far from home, but that is when people need to draw on inner-moral resolve and inner strength to keep them safe and healthy," she said. The Deputy President, who is also chair of the South African National Aids Council, made reference to the number of United Nations peacekeepers who have been accused of sexually related offences whilst on peacekeeping duty.
"We [as government] recognise the crucial role of churches, health workers including home-based care givers, business, traditional healers and experts" have to play, saying "all of them have a unique and critical role in the fight against HIV and AIDS," she said. The Deputy Minister of Defence Mluleki George in his address stated that "in ensuring the combat-readiness of out troops, we have prioritised their fitness and healthy lifestyle, instilled high levels of discipline and a sense of distinguishing right from wrong."
"This conference is part of our continuing efforts to ensure that we impart and share relevant and helpful knowledge to our members on issues relating to HIV and AIDS and the impact therefore on their combat-readiness." He highlighted that government "will aim to intensify the optimal use of resources to manage HIV in the SANDF by establishing appropriate prevention and treatment measures and to develop long-term military focused strategies for the well being of the force." Globally, 12 000 people are infected daily, 4.38 million people are infected annually, and 8 000 die each day from the disease, said Surgeon General of the Department of Defence Lieutenant General VI Ramlakan. The surgeon general highlighted that in a recent study done by the HSRC, it was found that 16 percent of health workers, and 13 percent of teachers were infected by the disease in South Africa.
He said South Africa carries about 10 percent of the global HIV infection figure, noting, however, that South Africa has just below 1 percent of the world's population.
Frédéric et moi, nous venons de la même ville en France!!! Bon, lui, c'est une star interplanétaire alors que moi, je ne suis qu'une crotte de mouche...Mais bon, c'est mon compatriote alors j'annonce son arrivée:
BIENVENUE FREDERIC!!! et BON COURAGE!!
ps: Fred, si tu lis ça... laisse un commentaire...
ps2: François, tu es 1000 fois plus beau que lui!! et tu es toujours mon préféré!! Frédéric n'a même pas les yeux bleus...
An SA National Defence Force paratrooper is recuperating in hospital after a brush with death.
Andile Pojie, a qualified basic military paratrooper at Bloemfontein’s 1 Parachute Battalion, plummeted 600m to the ground last Thursday when his main parachute “roman-candled”, or folded in on itself.
Pojie and 19 other paratroopers were doing a routine static-line jump from two Hercules C130 aircraft at the School of Infantry training ground in Oudtshoorn when the incident occurred.
As hundreds of witnesses looked on in horror, Pojie’s main parachute failed to deploy properly. He was unable to deploy his reserve parachute and hit the ground, breaking a thigh.
According to Major Merle Meyer, from SANDF headquarters, Pojie was attending a routine biannual army/defence industry conference, at the end of which paratroopers get to jump.
Meyer explained that Pojie’s jump had been a static-line jump. In this exercise, a static-line cord is connected between the deployment bag of the parachute and the aircraft from which the parachutist jumps.
After falling away from the aircraft, this short line then pulls the parachute deployment bag from its container. After that the parachute deploys. The static line separates from the parachute and remains in tow behind the aircraft. It is then subsequently pulled in and stowed away by the jumpmaster, who remains on board the aircraft.
“Static lines are used in order to make sure that a parachute is deployed immediately after leaving the plane, regardless of actions taken by the parachutist,” said Meyer.
She said Pojie followed all the procedures necessary, but his parachute and his emergency parachute had failed to open.
“We are so happy that his training came through at the end and saved what could have been a disastrous end to his military career,” Meyer said.
Pojie is in the SANDF’s military skills development programme, in which recruits sign up for two years and, if selected, can further their career in the military.
The army confirmed yesterday that Pojie had undergone an operation on his femur and was recovering at 3 Military Hospital in Bloemfontein.
DEFENCE Marching on its knees SANDF training Playing soldiers There is anger in the army over tight budgets that are making it difficult to perform necessary training and maintenance. Senior officers believe the defence secretariat, headed by January Masilela, has not been sufficiently bold and aggressive in bringing home to government just how desperate the army's predicament is. The army is on its knees, says one general.
This resentment has extended into a belief that safety is probably being compromised, following the disastrous accident at the Lohatlha Army Combat Training Centre in the Northern Cape in October.
Nine soldiers a staff sergeant, a bombardier and seven gunners, mostly aged between 20 and 24 were killed in an artillery exercise involving a 35mm MK5 anti-aircraft gun. Another 16 sustained serious injuries. Early reports indicated that the crew lost control of the weapon and, as a result, rounds were sprayed in all directions. The lethal damage was done in a few seconds.
A board of inquiry was appointed immediately after the incident. It comprises Major-General Johan Jooste, an experienced career officer who recently retired as army chief of staff, and a senior warrant officer. They are expected to report soon.
Such accidents can be ascribed to one or more of three causes: equipment malfunction because of poor design or manufacture; inadequate maintenance of the equipment; or human error. Safety measures are prescribed to mitigate the effects of any malfunction.
Rumours suggest that on this occasion two safety pins, which would have prevented the gun from traversing while firing, had not been inserted.
The billions of rand spent on arms procurement have induced critics to ask why the SA National Defence Force needs more money. The problem is that little has been allowed for maintenance and training. Regular firing of live ammunition is essential if exercises are to produce the necessary competence in soldiers, yet this rarely happens because of cost constraints.
The defence budget has declined steadily in real terms for over a decade. To make matters worse, peacekeeping deployments in the rest of Africa are above the levels budgeted for, which means that money has to be found elsewhere in the budget. There is a strong view within the SANDF that it is becoming an organisation whose sole capacity is to feed and pay its members.
The efficient and caring response to the Lohatlha accident by defence minister Mosiuoa Lekota and SANDF chief General Godfrey Ngwenya has gone down well in the army but there is a strong view that the army, in particular, is suffering from routine and debilitating neglect.
A high-ranking South African Air Force officer was killed and another seriously injured in yet another military tragedy at Thaba Tshwane yesterday
It is believed that the suspect was on a candidate officer’s training course and went on a shooting rampage after he learnt that he had failed. According to the SANDF, the incident happened at about 12.40pm at the SA Air Force College, opposite Hoërskool Voortrekkerhoogte.
The suspect stormed into the college’s main building where he allegedly shot and killed a 40-year-old lieutenant-colonel with a handgun. He then opened fire on another officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Iesgaak Karan (44). The officer who died cannot be identified as his next of kin have yet to be informed.
Karan was rushed to 1 Military Hospital where by 4pm he was still being treated in the emergency unit.
His family were sitting huddled together with Air Force officials comforting them, but declined to speak to the media.
The SANDF said Karan’s condition was critical but stable.
The suspect fled the scene, allegedly crashing through the huge palisade security gate on his way out. He later handed himself over to police at Wierdabrug police station,
Shocked military personnel said that the suspect stormed into the main building and “just started shooting”.
“It was crazy. I have never seen anything like that. We are really upset,” said a lieutenant who asked not to be named.
An Air Force officer said it was crazy. “Nobody knows what prompted this. It is a mystery. It is like a bad nightmare,” said the officer.
Pretoria Central police cluster detective head Director Mahlomola Manganye said the attack was very disturbing. “This is should not be happening,” he said.
“We are still piecing together the incident. Only once we are finished will we know exactly what prompted the shooting,” he said.
Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota and the Chief of the SANDF Godfrey Ngwenya expressed their condolences to the families.
Police spokesperson Inspector Paul Ramaloko said the suspect would be charged with murder, attempted murder and reckless driving.
An Air Force officer was shot and killed and another seriously injured at the Thaba Tshwane base near Pretoria on Thursday afternoon.
A sergeant left the base and handed himself to Wierdabrug police following the shooting around 12.40pm, said department of defence spokesman Brigadier General Kwena Mangope.
The wounded officer was being treated in 1 Military Hospital and was in a critical but stable condition.
"We don't know what the motive was as yet."
The name of the deceased officer would be released once his family had been notified.
Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota and SANDF chief General Godfrey Ngwenya extended their condolences to the families of the victims.
A TON of cocaine may be “floating in the Atlantic Ocean” or securely hidden in a ship in an Ivory Coast harbour, but the SA National Defence Force is “just glad” it prevented the suspected load of drugs from being dropped off in the country.
In a first for the defence force, it was asked to track a ship suspected of carrying a ton of cocaine along the West Coast.
Yesterday Daan Boshoff, spokesperson for the defence force’s joint operations division, said even though SANDF had found no drugs on the ship it felt “successful in its mission and overjoyed” no cocaine reached the shores of SA.
Last week a 25kg parcel of cocaine washed up at Gansbaai and could have been from the suspect vessel.
Boshoff said in mid-September the defence force received a call from a foreign diplomat, asking the SANDF to find the ship as it was suspected it was delivering drugs somewhere along the SA coast.
“Together with the police we (hatched) a plan. We knew the ship would be sailing around Cape Point on a specific date. We were given only a vague description of the ship and the direction and speed it was travelling,” he said.
An Air Force Dakota was sent to search for the ship and, when it was spotted, the aircrew realised the ship did not have a flag, making it stateless, meaning the defence force and police could board it.
These agencies searched the ship with its captain’s permission, but no drugs were found.
“A navy frigate, the SAS Isandlwana, shadowed the ship for another 24 hours. What’s strange is that when the Dakota left the ship turned 180 degrees and went back in the direction it came from. It was strongly suspected this ship was transporting drugs,” said Boshoff, adding that the ship returned to its home port of Abidjan.
An anti-crime spy drama on the high seas unfolded at the weekend when the SA Navy’s frigate, SAS Isandlwana, hunted down a ship suspected of smuggling drugs.
The operation was launched at the behest of international intelligence agencies, which asked the SANDF’s Joint Operations Command for help as the ship steamed along the South African coast, just outside the country’s exclusive economic zone.
The ship’s drug cargo was believed to be destined for the South African market.
Hiding behind stealth technology which greatly reduces her radar signature on the screen of her quarry, Isandlwana electronically tracked the ship and pounced to allow a police task team with sniffer dogs to search the vessel.
Information about the ship was vague, but navy specialists had used her reported speed and direction, as well as her size, to deduce possible lo-cations, said Joint Operations spokesman Colonel Daan Boshoff yesterday.
“The ship was also tracked by satellite at one point and the navy was able to box her position accurately enough to allow an SA Air Force Dakota to track her down,” he said.
The ship failed to fly a flag to indicate nationality. According to international maritime law, the lack of a flag of registration allows any naval vessel to stop and inspect such a ship.
“The vessel’s master was very co-operative and he allowed a search without any problems,” Boshoff said.
No drugs were found.
“It is possible that the ship’s master had ordered the illegal part of their cargo to be dumped overboard soon after the Dakota had flown over … even though we did not find the drugs, we were able to prevent it from getting out on the streets of this country.”
Sharing her experiences about her deployment at Pretoria Academic Hospital, Lieutenant Van Schalkwyk said the operation was very tough and tiring.
Ms Schalkwyk's duties included the transporting of patients, cleaning the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) and taking bodies to the morgue. The 7 000 members participated in Operation Bata during a month long public service strike in June and their dedication has paid off. On Friday, Minister of Defence, Mosiuoa Lekota handed over symbolic medals to every rank group from Lieutenant General to Private who participated in Operation Bata.
Ms Van Schalkwyk said the SANDF members worked a 12-hour shift and the experience made them more sensitive to the needs of patients. She said even though she didn't celebrate her birthday this year, as she was on duty, she didn't mind because she was servicing her country and her family understood.
About the medal she had received, Ms Schalkwyk first looked at it in admiration and said: "I'm very proud and it makes all worthwhile." Another recipient, Colonel Maoneleli Sakwe said the experience was traumatising for "young kids" who were still in training. However, he said with the award, they would be motivated and even volunteer their service in the future.
Recalling the day he received a call from the office, Mr Sakwe said he was forced to drop everything he was doing and respond to a call to mobilise the troops to be deployed at various hospitals. "The call came on a Saturday afternoon when I was relaxing at home and I had to drop everything," said Colonel Sakwe, "today I'm proud as we committed ourselves in servicing our country." During the ceremony, Minister Lekota received a special welcome from the South African Army, Military Health Service, Air Force and Navy, who were wearing their respective uniforms including white, blue and camouflage.
Over 300 members paraded in front of the minister with some showing their flying skills in the air with parachutes. Acknowledging the members dedication, Minister Lekota said: "You gave your everything, risked your lives, gave up personal comforts of family life, and endured the insults from backward elements of our society.
"Your involvement in Operation BATA was a firm declaration of your loyalty to the Constitution and your codes of conduct, you have ensured that the trust of our people, and their investment in our defence capabilities, have not been in vain," said the Minister. Minister of Public Service and Administration Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi also took her hats off for the members.
"During the strike, we knew that they were people on the post, 24 hours and this is what makes us proud as South Africans," said the Minister Moleketi.
Former Executive Outcomes boss Eeben Barlow feels bitter and jaded about the way the media portrayed his legitimate private military company, and with good reason, writes Brendan Seery
Interviewing Eeben Barlow is not an experience you would describe as comfortable. It’s not because he is a former CCB operative nor the fact that he is proficient in multiple ways of killing and maiming. It’s because what he says not only makes a lot of sense, but it also makes you somewhat ashamed of both yourself and your profession: journalism.
He doesn’t like most journalists, whom he accuses of having helped his enemies wage a vicious disinformation war against him and his company, Executive Outcomes, for many years.
“All that shit you wrote, all the garbage you passed on from the so-called ‘sources’ – where was even the slightest bit of evidence to back it up?”
In his newly-published book – Executive Outcomes, Against All Odds – Barlow savages many local and international journalists who, he says, willingly did “hatchet jobs” on EO.
And I am one of them. Back in 1993, my byline was one of three which appeared on a piece quoting former SA Defence Force Colonel Jan Breytenbach as saying EO was “training ANC hit squads” in Angola. (At the time, EO had been given a contract by the Angolan goverment to re-train the army – a project which effectively spelled the beginning of the end of Jonas Savimbi and his Unita movement, as the Angolan forces were better trained and prepared for battle.) The alleged ANC squads had a hit list of prominent people, including himself, claimed Breytenbach.
I don’t even remember the story, save to know that Breytenbach was never one of my sources or contacts. But my byline was on the story and I must have contributed to it.
Did we ever try to get corroboration or confirmation of Breytenbach’s claims? No. Why would we? We all firmly believed Barlow and his bunch of ex-SADF “mercenaries” could only have been up to no good in Angola. After all, why would they help the people who were once their enemies, unless they were being paid huge amounts and were involved in oil or diamond deals?
Barlow sits across from me in a Pretoria coffee shop, his blue eyes accusing. I have no answers. He has a point.
In conversation, Barlow echoes the litany of accusations and claims which were levelled against EO in the eight or so years it operated as a private military company in Africa and elsewhere: they committed atrocities; they were given huge diamond and oil concessions; they were a front for Britain’s MI5 secret service; they fronted for the American CIA; they were incompetent buffoons.
“Take the case of Sierre Leone (where EO helped the Freetown government crush RUF rebels): we were accused of committing atrocities against the local people. No proof. Nobody ever charged. No witnesses. The opposite was the case.
“As we went into action against the rebels in a new country and environment, we realised that we needed intelligence and information. And we got that from the local people, who realised that we were bringing stability and security after years of rape and murder by the rebels.
“We gave them some medical help and we made it safe for them to go back to their normal lives. They helped us with the information we needed to mount our operations. Think about it – if we had been slaughtering them, would they have helped us?”
Barlow is correct. Neither the United Nations, whose peacekeeping troops replaced EO and who then virtually lost the country back to the rebels; nor the Sierra Leone government, has made any atrocity charges against the company.
“A professional journalist,” Barlow says with just a hint of a sneer, “visited the country and wrote that the people were happy with our presence and what we achieved.”
Angola, likewise, was an area where EO was repeatedly under fire, mainly from journalists in South Africa.
“You people,” he says, “ignored everything we provided you in terms of intelligence about who was really benefitting from the continuation of the war with Unita.”
Those people were senior officials in the former SA government, senior company officials and businessmen.
Barlow believes that Unita’s supporters in South Africa were making a fortune out of the diamonds-for-arms trade which saw the rebel movement exchanging gems for weapons which were flown into Angola from South African airfields.
“When General Ita (then head of Angolan intelligence) told journalists this was happening and even provided registration numbers of the aircraft, nobody followed up on it and some even claimed he was lying.”
He adds: “There are people who have a lot of blood on their hands – by prolonging the Angolan civil war, tens of thousands of people died.
“But I’m proud of what we in EO did and the sacrifices we made.”
Undoubtedly, Barlow and the company made a lot of money contracting out their military expertise – he has long since ceased to care about being labelled a “mercenary” he says – but the costs of the EO intervention were minuscule when compared to the bucket loads of money spent by the UN and African Union whose troops replaced the South African company in Sierra Leone.
“What the Executive Outcomes experience proved was that there is a place in Africa – and the rest of the world – for private military companies.
“In our case, we did jobs that others either couldn’t do or didn’t want to do. And we did those jobs well, without any bias, because we were employed by legitimate governments.”
In Angola, the company started off training the Angolan Army’s 16 Brigade, but was also involved in some of the heavy fighting against Unita. Barlow says it was the comprehensive training given to the Angolans which enabled them to turn the tide against Unita, rather than EO’s own combat team: “we had only 500 people, spread out around Angola and you can’t win a war like that with that number of soldiers ...”
In Sierra Leone, EO’s combat-hardened veterans – white and black, former SADF and from the ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto weSizwe – didn’t pussy-foot around when hitting the RUF rebels.
Using highly mobile teams on foot and in vehicles, and backed up by air support which included a Russian-made Mi-24 helicopter gunship, EO decimated the rebels’ jungle hide-outs after initially saving the capital, Freetown, from what looked like a certain surrender to the rebels.
“It is a great pity that EO did not continue, because it would have been a very effective instrument for change in Africa – and it would have enabled South Africa to project its influence to far corners of the continent.
“It wasn’t long before the US and European governments stepped in to the vacuum we left.
“So, once again, it’s outsiders sorting out African problems ...”
Ironically, many people are not aware that EO played a major role in drafting the South African legislation which controls the private military industry – the Foreign Military Assistance Act – and that, so far, EO is the only company to have been licensed by the government to offer military assistance outside SA.
Although EO has been shut down, Barlow still gets a number of calls from abroad, “asking me if I’d start it up again”.
One such request was for assistance ahead of the Iraq invasion in 2003, which, Barlow says, “I turned down because that is not legitimate, it is just about oil and resources.”
It pains him to think that the expertise of thousands of former South African policemen and soldiers has been lost to this country, as they apply their skills and experience all around the world.
“Those in the military field know just how good the former SADF was and how capable some of our people were. It is a great pity that this government, in the name of transformation, has turned its back on those skills.”
Barlow, in common with many ex-SADF officers, doesn’t have a high opinion of the current SA National Defence Force (SANDF), especially in its peacekeeping missions around Africa.
“Our guys seem more interested in theft, robbery rape and murder than they do in carrying out their jobs.”
These days, sitting in retirement in Pretoria, Barlow watches developments cynically from the sidelines. Like the fiasco of the abortive Equatorial Guinea (EG) coup, where scores of South African ex-soldiers were detained in Zimbabwe en route to EG and later served jail sentences in Harare.
“Simon Mann (the coup plot leader who now sits in jail in Harare awaiting extradition to EG) is an arsehole and from my dealings with him, I regarded him as incompetent. So I’m not surprised at what happened.”
But, that disaster also brought down the curtain on the ’60s-style cowboy mercenaries, thinking that with a few people and a few guns they could take over a country.
“We were accused of that sort of plotting all the time. We could have overthrown governments, sure, but we were professional suppliers of military services, not hired guns.”
Barlow still keeps a jaundiced eye on the media: “I can see the disinformation and bullshit all over the place.”
The reports on the Pikoli/Selebi/Zuma sagas should all be looked at with extreme caution and cynicism, he says. “There are many different agendas at play and so many people involved who are past masters at spinning a lie: some of the people who put together smears against us are still at it and the ANC is also highly experienced in the art of disinformation.”
I am a Special Forces Operator
I will go where others fear to go
I will do what others cannot do
I will face the impossible, and triumph
Always
I seek neither fame not glory
I seek neither medals nor praise
I seek only the acknowledgement of my Brother Operators
For they alone can judge me
And to be counted amongst them is my greatest Honour
I will never dishonour my Brothers
Or the name of Special Forces
I will never turn away from any challenge
I will face anything, and succeed
Nothing will stop me, save Death
And even this will be temporary
For my memory will spur my Brothers on
I will, at all times
Uphold the principles that guide us
Duty, Honour and Loyalty
The highest code of Morals, Principles and Ethics
I will never abandon my post
Or turn from my duty
No matter the consequences
I will always remember my Brothers
Who have made the Supreme Sacrifice
They will be with me at all times
In my thoughts and prayers
Their Deeds will not go unrecorded
And their Songs will not go unsung
Their memory will inspire me
Constantly
I know that wherever I am
Whatever the situation
I am always in my Brothers’ thoughts and prayers
And if ever my need is near me
I know that my Brother Operators will always come to my aid
Swiftly, regardless of danger or risk
To stand by my side and help me
And knowing this gives me strength
To face anything, anywhere, at any time
Resolutely
With Courage and Determination
For I am proud to say
That I stand, counted amongst those few
Those brave and elite few
Silent and unseen, but ever-present
Those who can truly say
“We fear naught but God”
For I am a Special Forces Operator
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